communion at our altars it can be urged that the Swedish Church has retained (i) the three ancient creeds retained by the Church of England and that the Augsburg Confession, which the Swedish Church also accepts, need not be regarded as inimical to these creeds; (ii) an episcopal succession, it being practically certain that at the time of the Reformation at least a tactual succession was preserved through the consecration of Archbishop Laurentius Petri by Petrus Magni, Bishop of Westerås, who was consecrated at Rome May the 1st, 1524; (iii) edifying Catholic rites and ornaments, among which the episcopal mitre and staff and the priest's chasuble would in a special degree indicate the intention of keeping orthodox views of the Church and the sacraments.

On the other hand it is certain that the Swedish Church has tolerated, and still tolerates, Lutheran innovations of a pronounced character. For (i) it is in full communion with other Lutherans, such as those in Denmark who have only nominal bishops, and those in America who have no bishops. This fact alone is enough to cause serious misgivings as to the doctrine of the Swedes concerning the Church, and as to their intention in ordaining their priests; (ii) there is no order of deacons in any strict sense of the word; (iii) the doctrine and practice with regard to confirmation are seriously insufficient, and the Swedish bishops have openly stated that they regard the laying on of the bishop's hand for the purpose of confirming as among things that are indifferent; (iv) the liturgy lacks a definite prayer of consecration and the celebrant is not obliged to communicate: these two facts are in harmony with the Lutheran view that the presence of Christ is effected at the distribution of the sacrament rather than at the words of consecration spoken by the celebrant.

The establishment of sacramental intercommunion should not be regarded as one of the first steps, but as the ultimate step, in reunion. And therefore the administration of the holy communion at our altars to Swedes ought, in view of the possibility of a complete reunion, to be postponed until their Church as a body has forsaken such causes of estrangement between us as have been indicated above.

For the Swedish attitude towards the Lambeth Conference of 1920 see 'The Reply of the Bishops of the Church of Sweden' in Theology, July 1922 (Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, London).

NOTE 12. See p. 94

The languages spoken by the Sephardic Jews in Amsterdam and London. It is well known that in the seventeenth century Amsterdam was a great centre of the important division of the Jewish community known as Sephardim, a word which originally meant people of Sardis', but became adopted by the Jews of Spain and Portugal, distinguishing them from the Ashkenazim of Russia, Poland, and Germany. From Amsterdam and elsewhere many of the Sephardim came to London, a fact which accounts for the numerous Portuguese names found in the Denizations and Naturalizations of Aliens published by the Huguenot Society of London in 1911. Here we find names like Fonsequa and Pinheiro side by side with Huguenot names like Du Quesne and Bouverie.

The languages spoken by these Jews are a matter of both historical and philological interest. It is clear that in both Amsterdam and London the Sephardic synagogues were usually called Portuguese. The oldest official vernacular records in the London synagogue (for which see p. 267) are in Portuguese. But the language of the majority of the Sephardim in both cities was Spanish. So far as I can judge from books in my own possession and others which I have found mentioned, the vernacular prayer books were all in Spanish, though I believe that a prayer for the government of the Netherlands, and later of England, was read in Portuguese. The following short list of books is enough to prove the use of Spanish:

Orden de Benediciones, Amsterdam, 5447 (A. D. 1687), Hebrew and Spanish. Orden de las Oraciones Cotidianas, David Tartas, Amsterdam, 5452 (A. D. 1692); another edition was published in Amsterdam in 5477 (A. D. 1717), and another in London by the noted Rabbi Ishac Nieto in A. D. 1771. The same Nieto published a new translation of the Prayers for Ros-ashanah y Kipur, Londres, En casa de Ricardo Reily, Año 5500 (A. D. 1740). The introduction is in good Spanish and claims to be free from the old and inappropriate words found in other translations. The author condemns 'Castellano-Hebraico; que no es ni Hebraico, ni Castellano'. Another Spanish book of prayers is Orden de los Cinco Ayunos, David Tartas, Amsterdam, 5455 (A. D. 1695). There seems to be no Portuguese book exactly corresponding with the above mentioned, though a Hebrew Order of the Daily Prayers with Portuguese notes was published in

Amsterdam by S. L. Maduro in 1768. And early in the nineteenth century sermons in the London synagogue were in Spanish, the first English sermon being on March the 26th, 1831. Some light is thrown upon the question by a work on the Psalms by Yahacob Yehuda Leon, published in Amsterdam in 5431 (A. D. 1670–1671). It is called Alabanças de Santidad. The psalms are printed in Hebrew and the translation and paraphrase are in Spanish. But the official imprimatur and report of the censors of the book are in Portuguese, and the author even speaks of 'our Portuguese nation'. The explanation seems to be that by the end of the sixteenth century the strictly Spanish Jews had been all expelled from Spain or converted to Christianity. Those in Turkey kept, and still keep, the fifteenth-century dialect which Nieto calls 'Castellano-Hebraico'. In the seventeenth century the Jews in Spain were mostly of Portuguese origin except in Majorca. These Portuguese Jews retained Portuguese as an official language but acquired a knowledge of Spanish. Spanish being easier to learn, and being the vernacular of the Jews who came to Holland and England from North Africa, prevailed over Portuguese.

It may be added that until the nineteenth century marriages between the Sephardim and the Ashkenazim were almost unknown. Also that there was a decided drift of the old Sephardic families towards Christianity. Descendants of several such families have been personally known to me.

LECTURE IV

NOTE 13. See p. 98

Roman Catholicism in Amsterdam. In 1716 the Roman Catholic churches in Amsterdam outnumbered all the rest: 'Het getal der Roomsche Kerken is in deze Stadt vry groot, en overtreft in meenigte, die van alle de overige gezintheeden met malkander. . . . Alle de Roomsche Kerken zyn zodanig gebouwd, dat men van buiten geen hoedanigheid van een Kerk zien kan.' Wegwyzer door Amsterdam, p. 211 (Nicolaas ten Hoorn, Amsterdam, 1716).

NOTE 14. See p. 98

The Sephardic (Spanish and Portuguese) synagogue in Bevis Marks, London. This synagogue, the oldest in London, was dedicated in 1702. The builder was a Quaker

named Avis, who incorporated in the roof a beam given by Queen Anne. The last-known organization of Jews for worship in Spain was discovered at Madrid in 1720. An organization for Moslem worship was discovered at Cordova in 1727 and at Cartagena as late as 1769. But the Inquisition had done its work so thoroughly_that_Judaism and Islam were almost extinct by 1700. See H. C. Lea, A History of the Inquisition of Spain, vol. iii, pp. 308, 406 (Macmillan Company, New York, 1907).

NOTE 15. See p. 113

Medals commemorating the suppression of the Jesuits. On the suppression of the Society of Jesus two medals were circulated in Rome. The first represents the Pope with the inscription Clemens XIV Pontifex Max., and on the reverse shows our Lord accompanied by two apostles driving before Him three Jesuit priests wearing birettas; and the inscription Nunquam novi vos discedite a me omnes. A specimen of this medal has been kindly shown to me by Dr. W. H. Hutton, Dean of Winchester. The second medal represents the Pope with the inscription Clemens XIV. Pont. Max. A.V., and on the reverse shows the Church seated on a globe, holding in one hand a cross and in the other an olive-branch and the Holy Dove inspiring her, the inscription being Salus generis humani. Below are the words Jesuitarum societas deleta MDCCLXXIII.

NOTE 16. See p. 118

The Protestation of the English Roman Catholics in 1789. This Protestation has been printed in full by Bernard Ward, The Dawn of Catholic Revival in England 1781-1803, vol. i, pp. 139 ff. This most important document brought about the Relief Act of 1791 which released English Roman Catholics from persecution. It is of a pronounced Gallican type separated by an immense gulf from the English Roman Catholicism of the present day. In accordance with Gallican teaching it contains 'a vehement protest against the existence of any authority of the Pope which could interfere directly or indirectly with the government of the realm' (loc. cit., p. 144). Its language is irreconcilable with the Bull which excommunicated Queen Elizabeth. The following extract illustrates its tenor:

We have been accused of holding as a principle of our Religion that Princes excommunicated by the Pope and

Council or by authority of the See of Rome may be deposed or murdered by their Subjects or other persons.

'But so far is the above-mentioned unchristianlike and abominable Position from being a Principle that we hold, that we reject, abhor and detest it, and every part thereof as execrable and impious.'

'We have also been accused of holding as a principle of our Religion that implicit Obedience is due from us to the Orders and Decrees of Popes and General Councils and that therefore if the Pope or any General Council should for the good of the Church command us to take up Arms against Government, or by any means to subvert the Laws and Liberties of this country, or to exterminate persons of a different Religion from us, we (it is asserted by our accusers) hold ourselves bound to obey such Orders or Decrees, on pain of eternal fire.

'Whereas we positively deny that we owe any such obedience to the Pope and General Council, or to either of them; and we believe that no act that is in itself immoral or dishonest can ever be justified by or under colour that it is done either for the good of the Church, or obedience to any Ecclesiastical Power whatever. We acknowledge no infallibility in the Pope, and we neither apprehend nor believe that our disobedience to any such orders or decrees (should any such be given or made) could subject us to any punishment whatever.'

All the Roman Catholic bishops then resident in England signed this Protestation. And though one of them, Dr. Matthew Gibson, afterwards withdrew his name, he does not appear to have done so on the ground of belief in the Pope's infallibility.

The action of these bishops is the more remarkable inasmuch as they were Vicars Apostolic ', and therefore peculiarly dependent upon Rome. The Rev. Joseph Berington, a Roman Catholic clergyman and writer of this period, gives a scathing description of this method of governing a Church as an economy in its obvious nature, most extraordinary and dependent, in which they who styled themselves bishops, were but the delegated agents or stewards of another, while that other, the Roman pontiff, was himself the ordinary or immediate bishop of the English Catholic Church. This bishop apportioned out to his delegates the quantum of jurisdiction, it should seem expedient they should exercise, which he could recall, limit,