the accusation comes from Simon Rodriguez in a moment of irritation and peevishness, while smarting under punishment for his misbehaviour in Portugal, it is of no more substance than the others. In answer to Simon's complaints, Ignatius wrote to him: "I declare before Heaven that I yield to no creature of all there are on earth in my love for you and in my wish for your spiritual and physical good, to the divine honor and glory." To which Rodriguez replied:

TO FATHER IGNATIUS LOYOLA:

VENICE, Dec. 22, 1554.

May the grace and love of Christ be in our souls. I have received yours of the 15th of this month. As to what you say, that there is no one that loves me more in body and soul, etc.-the proof of love is to show it in actions, and in this matter your actions should confirm what your letter says.

A committee of the Fathers had passed upon Rodriguez's conduct, they had found fault, and Loyola had imposed punishment, exiling the luckless Portuguese to a little place near Venice. Rodriguez was very cross. That is all there is to it. And his ill temper did not last long; in a letter, dated "Da la hermita de Basan [Bassano] lugar de penitentia," he says that he is sorry to learn that Father Ignatius is not pleased with his letters, and sends him a blessing as big as the mountains of Bassano "where eighteen years ago he came to see me when I was at the point of death." And finally—for I have tried to let nothing concerning this charge of duplicity, whether touching Loyola or any of his companions, escape me-I find in a letter of condolence and warning written by Bobadilla to the Pope's son, Cardinal Alessandro Farnese, on the murder of his uncle, Pietro Aloisio Farnese, these words, "la prudentia ha de disimular algo, y proveer por via quieta á lo porvenir." ("Prudence must dissemble a little, and by some quiet means make provision for what may happen.") There! at any rate, I have disclosed the worst.

One more thing, and I shall leave this aspect of his character. I do not know whether Catholics, as a rule, approve of the institution of the Inquisition, or not; Protestants do not. I do not mean to suggest that Catholics approve of autos-da-fé, racks, dungeons, espionage, and whatever other deviltries can be held up against the Spanish Inquisition; I refer to the principle of an organized body of educated and conscientious men, charged with the duty of discovering those who think erroneously or wickedly, to their own ultimate harm, and perhaps to the grave danger of other people, on religious matters, and of persuading such persons, by some means to abandon error and accept truth, or else preventing them, in one way or another, from spreading corruption. It is very easy to see after the event that the system is wrong. It was based on the conviction that the truth was known, and that it was of everlasting importance to know that truth; believing this, it would have been brutal, non-human certainly, to see men drift away from truth down to hell without making frantic efforts to save them. The Bible spoke clearly: "It is profitable for thee that one of thy members should perish, and not that thy whole body should be cast into hell." The practice of toleration is partly due to a return from mediaval Christianity to the primitive Christianity of the gospels, but chiefly to doubts as to whether we possess religious truth, or what its nature may be. The Inquisition was an integral part of medieval Christianity, and Ignatius accepted all mediæval Christianity and approved of the Inquisition; I shall not discuss whether he ought to have approved of it, but confine myself to his connection with it. I do not find that he had anything to do with the Spanish Inquisition, except on one occasion to ask for the pardon of certain Moriscos who had fallen back into error after baptism. The Spanish Inquisition was established, or rather revived and reinvigorated, by Ferdinand and Isabella years before Ignatius was born, to the great satisfaction of the Christian population, as an engine to deal with Jews and Moors; it persecuted Ignatius during his early missionary days, and did not get to ferreting out and

punishing Protestants until after his death. His relations with the Inquisition concern its establishment in Portugal and in Italy.

John III, king of Portugal, was a bigot; he wished to persecute the Jews in his kingdom, and had done what he could, but without much success, to induce Pope Clement VII to give him a free hand in dealing with misbelievers and heretics. He began again with Paul III, and thanks to the support of the Emperor, obtained in part what he wanted; but as the Pope refused to accede to other demands, a quarrel ensued, and the King in his turn proposed to keep the papal nuncio out of his kingdom. I only allude to this, in order to show that other matters of contention were mixed up with the question of the Inquisition. Prince Henry, the King's brother, wrote to Ignatius asking him to use his influence with the Pope for the grant of full inquisitorial powers (May 29, 1542). This Ignatius did, with right good will, as appears from his letters to Simon Rodriguez; he says: "De su alteza es mandar y de nosostros obedecir." ("It is for his Highness to command, for us to obey.") The King's aid was of great consequence to the Society, and Loyola was most anxious to please him. But however much Loyola hated heresy and approved of the Inquisition, his support can hardly have counted for much. The desired bull was issued in 1547.

In Italy the Inquisition was established in 1542. Charles V had already issued a decree in Naples which forbade under pain of excommunication and death all dealings with persons suspected of heresy. The Church had its back to the wall. Heresy or questionings and speculations in the direction of heresy had become rife, not merely among little groups of intellectual persons, such as the friends of Juan Valdés, in Naples, but much more seriously in some northern cities, like Lucca, Modena, and Parma. Cardinal Guidiccioni wrote in alarm of "quanto siano multiplicati quelli pestiferi errori di questa condannata setta lutherana in la nostra città" [Lucca]. To have supporters of this German heresy appear in Italy was not only injury but insult. Cardinal Caraffa was "the chief originator" (accord

ing to Dr. Pastor), die Seele (according to Dr. Burchbell) of the plan for introducing the Inquisition. The Archbishop of Burgos, Juan de Toledo, son to the Duke of Alva, advised it; Caraffa and he were appointed inquisitors general. Ignatius also advocated the plan; and the Society, in its natural desire to magnify his influence, has spoken as if his advocacy had been of some consequence. I see no evidence to support such an idea; especially in view of the fact that the Archbishop of Burgos was a member of the Dominican Order, with which the Jesuits were on bad terms, and Caraffa had showed himself so unfriendly that, as I have said, when Loyola heard that he was elected Pope, "all his bones shook in his body." Besides, Paul III knew his own mind, and needed no counsel in this matter from Ignatius, who, I suspect, acted out of consideration for the people of importance who desired to see the Inquisition established in Italy.

One more word and I shall finish this chapter. Protestants have been long accustomed, out of charity, to impute to the Jesuits the doctrine that the means justifies the end, by which they imply that the Jesuits justify any act of wickedness that will further some end they have in view. I have read in Catholic sources that no evidence in support of this charge has ever been forthcoming against the Society. As to Ignatius and his companions, I have found nothing in word or deed, to suggest his or their approval or advocacy of any such doctrine, or any reference or allusion to it whatsoever. I will merely add a few words of exhortation from their early disciple Father Canisius to his congregation in Germany, as a sample of what the Jesuits really taught:

Let Truth and Simplicity be and remain our colors, and though we are persecuted and despitefully used, still we will always imitate Him, who prayed for His enemies, “Lord, forgive them, for they know not what they do."

CHAPTER XXXIII

LAST DAYS

His secretary, Ribadeneira, says that the character of what the General of the Society should be, as drawn by Ignatius in the Constitution, the Happy Warrior of religion, is his own.

Among the various qualities that a general should possess, the first is the closest possible union with God, familiar communion with Him, both in prayer and in every act, in order to obtain from the fount of all good, for the whole Society, a greater bestowal of gifts and grace, and to render all the means he may employ for the good of souls more effectual. And in the second place, that he be a pattern of all the virtues, and aid all the members of the Society to practise them; but, more than all, that the light of love shall shine in him towards his neighbor and particularly towards the Society; and that he shall show a true humility that makes a man dear to God and to his fellow men. He must be free from all inordinate affections, . . . his bearing and behaviour must be such, his speech so circumspect, that nothing about him, not a single word, but shall edify all men, and in especial the members of the Society, to which he must be mirror and model. He must unite rectitude and necessary severity to sweetness and benignity, and never turn aside from what he thinks will be acceptable to God; and he must be so full of compassion for his children, that those whom he rebukes or chastises, in spite of the smart, shall recognize that he fulfills his office with justice and charity in the Lord. He must have strength of soul and magnanimity, in order to bear the weakness of many and to undertake great things for the divine service and to

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