the University of Paris was eternal and of great authority, and it would not be well to build up a perpetual enmity between the Society and the University. The vindication he had in mind, was to write to all the members of the Society, stationed all over, wherever they were, without telling the reason, and bid them request kings, princes, dignitaries, spiritual and temporal, and the universities, to collect information concerning the lives and conduct of the members of the Society in their respective domains, and to certify under seal whatever reports they received, whether to the credit of the Society or not, and to send such reports to the General of the Order, and that when those documents came, he would submit them to the Pope (for the Pope was concerned in the matter since he had confirmed the Society and granted it privileges), and then it would appear which was of greater weight, the decree of the University of Paris or the concordant testimony of all the world.

So it was done. Kings, dukes, archbishops, bishops, inquisitors, magistrates and universities, sent in most flattering reports, as may be seen in the mighty volume, Acta Sanctorum, VII Julii. And in due time, but not till years after Loyola's death, the Society triumphed over its enemies and obtained whatever legal authority was necessary for it in France.

CHAPTER XXV

AT THE COUNCIL OF TRENT

An important episode in the early history of the Society was its participation in the Council of Trent. This famous assembly, after many vain discussions and proposals, finally met together in 1545, and formally opened its proceedings in the month of December. The first demand for it had come from Luther when he was condemned at the Diet of Augsburg, and since then requests, appeals, supplications had been addressed to Pope and Emperor from all over Christendom. At first the gravity of the Lutheran movement was not understood, and pious people had no doubt that if an ecumenical council would reform the monastic orders, check the sale of indulgences, suppress the extortions of the Roman courts, and in general correct the most crying abuses, then the German malcontents would return of themselves. But the Lutherans attacked dogmas as well as ecclesiastical practices, and it became evident that a council, if it was to effect a reconciliation, must deal with matters of creed as well as of practices, must discover some way to grant a certain latitude of belief, to broaden this doctrine, modify that, and leave some discretion to the individual mind and conscience; nevertheless, hopeful Catholics continued to believe that, if passion and prejudice were laid aside, the traditional order might be restored, and one flock still herd together under one shepherd. But for any such hopes matters had gone wrong from the beginning. Passion and prejudice were not laid aside; on the contrary they grew greater and more violent. And yet if it had been possible to isolate ecclesiastical and religious questions from politics, compromise and reunion might perhaps have been accomplished; but politics intermeddled from the first. Charles V, good Catholic though he was, thought that it

belonged to him as Emperor to decide where a council should be held, and how; nor was he blind to the political advantages to be got from the Lutheran revolt in his dealings with the Pope, and therefore wished to effect the reconciliation in his own way. The King of France, for his part, had interests at stake; the preponderance of the imperial power was a cause of constant solicitude, and he opposed any action that would confer upon that power greater unity and strength. His policy was to face both ways; to aid and abet the Lutheran princes and also to keep friends with the Holy See, for it was essential to have the papal support in his struggle with the Emperor for possession of Milan. This double dealing was a delicate matter, and, for the most part, led him to put obstacles in the way of a council, openly or in secret. The Protestant princes, when they were weak, appealed to an ecumenical council; but they approached the matter cautiously, they would not accept a council that was to be under the Pope's thumb, and, as an essential preliminary, since the schism was a German affair, they demanded that it be held in Germany. Finally, when they found themselves strong enough, they jeered at all the Catholic overtures. Paul III also was on his guard. Although a grand seigneur, with tastes acquired under Alexander VI and Leo X, and hampered by a passion to promote the worldly interests of his grandchildren, he was a genuine reformer, and sought to promote the best interests of religion, as he saw it. He understood the situation in Germany far better than Clement VII had done, and recognized that sweeping reforms must constitute an essential part in any scheme of reconciliation. He was ready to go great lengths in order to stop the mouth of criticism and deprive secession of plausibility. A Council was not merely the best plan, but the only possible plan; otherwise Germany might follow the example of England, hold a national synod and establish a national church. The project, however, was hedged about by difficulties. The Pope wished to suppress the Lutheran rebellion and re-establish papal jurisdiction throughout Germany, yet he did not wish the Emperor to have any more power than he had, and it was as plain as

the sun at noon that with a united and loyal Germany behind him, the Emperor would have the continent of Europe, including the papacy, at his feet. Besides, there might be trouble lest a convocation of bishops, supported by the Emperor and the King of France, should wish to increase their power at the expense of the papacy. Altogether a great deal of circumspection was necessary. His wish was for the Council to busy itself mainly with a definition of the doctrines of the Church and a refutation of Protestant errors, and to deal with ecclesiastical reforms as discreetly as possible; for, though he honestly wished to purify the Church, nevertheless, as a practical politician, he feared a too sudden eradication of long established abuses. Besides, he wished to keep all these matters in his own hands. To this end, he made an adroit use of his influence and authority. He hoped, in the first place, to set up a bulwark against Protestantism and win over those who might be wavering between the new order and the old, and in the second, to defend the papacy from all attempts to clip and trim its power, and even to bring it forth from the ordeal in greater strength and vigor than before, and by accomplishing all this, outgeneral both the Emperor and the King of France. With reference to that part of his plan that concerned the theological duties of the Council, he had recourse to the young Order, whose members had pledged themselves to a devout obedience to the Holy See, and asked Ignatius to select three of them to act as his representative theologians at the Council. Ignatius appointed Lefèvre, Lainez and Salmerón; Lefèvre died soon afterwards and the other two went alone.

When they set forth, Ignatius gave them, in his methodical way, a list of instructions for their conduct. It seems certain from these instructions that neither he nor they foresaw just the nature or the importance of the rôle they were to play; evidently, all anticipated little more than that the representatives were to attend an assembly of the ecclesiastical notables of Latin Christendom, where they would be seen and heard, and that the Society would be judged by their behaviour. The instructions were ele

mentary. Ignatius knew that the two men were humbleminded, and would not feel hurt by elementary counsels; and if, contrary to his belief, they were not properly humble, as became members of the Order, it was his duty to administer such discipline to their vanity as would be for their good. Since Loyola's method here of dealing with his subordinates is characteristic, and the matter of the Council important, I shall give an outline of these instructions:

He begins by saying that as a general rule, when people discuss spiritual things for spiritual advantage, they benefit by such discussion; nevertheless, members of the Society stand on a peculiar footing, and must be on their guard, otherwise more harm than good will befall, and therefore it will be prudent to think beforehand over the best methods to be pursued. The rules he shall lay down are not to be taken too literally, rather as a set of suggestions that may be modified to suit shifting circumstances. As was his custom, Ignatius, in giving advice looked upon the matter before him as if he were to be the actor, and often says, instead of "you should do this or that," "I would do so and so."

I. I should be slow to speak, and then only after reflection, and in a friendly spirit; especially on any matters that may come up for discussion before the Council.

II. And, just as it is profitable to be slow to speak, so it is profitable to listen quietly, in order to understand the kind of mind the speakers have, their feelings, their wills, and be the better able to speak in answeror to remain silent.

III. Whenever you speak upon the general subject under discussion, or whether you branch off from it—it is a good thing to enumerate the reasons on both sides, in order not to appear set in your own opinion; and, at the same time try not to annoy any one.

IV. I should not adduce any persons, especially if they are persons of consequence, as my authorities, except in