one different articles were drawn up, and sent out, by Robert Daniel, for the better government of the colony. But when Governor Joseph Blake, successor of Archdale, laid these new laws before the Assembly for their assent and approbation, they treated them as they had done the former constitutions; and instead of taking them under deliberation laid them aside.

The national antipathies against the French refugees in process of time began to abate. In common with others, they had defied the danger of the desert and given ample proofs of their fidelity to the proprietors, and their zeal for the success of the colony. They had cleared little spots of land for raising the necessaries of life, and in some measure surmounted the difficulties of the first state of colonization. At this favor

able juncture the refugees, by the advice of the Governor and other friends, petitioned the legislature to be incorporated with the freemen of the colony and allowed the same privileges, and liberties, with those born of English parents. Accordingly an act passed in 1696 for making all aliens, them inhabitants, free-for enabling them to hold lands, and to claim the same as heirs to their ancestors, provided they either had petitioned, or should within three months petition, Governor Blake for these privileges and take the oath of allegiance to King William. This same law conferred liberty of conscience on all Christians, with the exception of papists. With these conditions the refugees, who were all Protestants, joyfully complied. The French and English settlers being made equal in rights, became united in interest and affection, and have ever since lived together in peace and harmony.

This cause of domestic discord was scarcely done away, when another began to operate. In the year 1700 a new source of contention broke out between the upper and lower houses of Assembly. Of the latter Nicholas Trott was made Speaker, and warmly espoused the cause of the people, in opposition to the interest of the proprietors. The Governor and Council claimed the privilege of nominating public officers, particularly a Receiver General, until the pleasure of the proprietors was known. The Assembly, on the other hand, insisted that it belonged to them. This occasioned much altercation, and several messages between the two houses. However, the upper house appointed their man. The lower house resolved that the person appointed by them was no Public Receiver, and that whoever should presume to pay money to him as such should be deemed an enemy to the country. Trott denied that they could be called an upper house, as they differed in the most essential circumstances, from the House of Lords in England; and therefore induced

the Assembly to call them the proprietors' deputies, and to treat them with indignity and contempt, by limiting them to a day to pass their bills and an hour to answer their messages. At that time Trott was eager in the pursuit of popularity; and by his uncommon abilities and address succeeded so far, that no man had equally engrossed the public favor and esteem, or carried matters with so high a hand in opposition to the proprietary counsellors.

In the fourteen years which followed Governor Archdale's return to England, or from 1696 to 1710, there were four Governors; Joseph Blake, James Moore, Sir Nathaniel Johnson, and Edward Tynte. The principal events, in this period, were an unsuccessful invasion of St. Augustine by the Carolinians, and a successful defence of the province against an attack of the French and Spaniards; which shall be more particularly explained in their proper places.

In Governor Johnson's administration, which lasted from 1702 to 1709, parties in Church and State ran high, and there were great commotions among the people; but on the death of Governor Tynte, in 1710, a civil war was on the point of breaking out. When Tynte died, there remained only three deputies of the Lords proprietors. Robert Gibbes, one of these three, was chosen and proclaimed Governor; but by the sudden death of Mr. Turbevil, one of the three deputies, who in the morning of the election day had voted for Colonel Broughton, another of the three deputies, but upon adjournment to the afternoon changed his mind and voted for Robert Gibbes, it was discovered that Robert Gibbes had obtained the said second vote of Turbevil by bribery. Colonel Broughton laid claim to the government, alleging Turbevil's primary and uncorrupted vote in his favor. Gibbes insisted on his right,* as having added his own vote to Turbevil's and thereby obtained a majority; and in consequence thereof was proclaimed Governor, and quietly settled in the administration. Each persisted in his claim. Many sided with Broughton, but more with Mr. Gibbes. Broughton drew together a number of armed men at his plantation, and proceeded to Charlestown. Gibbes having intelligence thereof, caused a general alarm to be fired and the militia to be raised. At the approach of Broughton's party to the walls and gates of Charlestown, Gibbes ordered the drawbridge, standing near the intersection of Broad and Meeting streets, to be hauled up. After a short parley, Broughton's party asked admit

*These particulars relative to the contest between Gibbes and Broughton for the office of Governor are stated on the authority of an old manuscript in the handwriting of the venerable Thomas Lamboll, a native of South Carolina, who died in the year 1775, upwards of 80 years old.

tance; Gibbes from within the walls inquired why they came armed in such a number, and if they would own him for their Governor? They answered, that they heard there was an alarm and were come to make their appearance in Charlestown; but would not own him, the said Gibbes, to be their Govervor. He of course denied them entrance; whereupon many of them gallopped round the walls towards Craven's bastion, to get entrance there; but being prevented they soon returned to the drawbridge. By this time some of the inhabitants of the town, and many sailors appearing there in favor of Broughton, they proceeded to force a passage and let down the drawbridge. Gibbes' party opposed, but were not allowed to fire upon them. After blows and wounds were given and received, the sailors and men of Broughton's party prevailed so far as to lower down the drawbridge over which they entered and proceeded to the watch-house in Broad street. There the two town companies of militia were posted under arms and with colors flying. When Broughton's party came near they halted, and one of them drew a paper out of his pocket, and began to read; but could not be heard, because of the noise made by the drums of the militia. Being balked, they marched towards Granville's bastion, and were escorted by the seamen on foot who were ready for any mischief. As they passed the front of the militia, whose guns were presented and cocked, one of the sailors catching at the ensign, tore it off the staff. On this provocation some of the militia, without any orders, fired their pieces, but nobody was hurt. Captain Brewton resolutely drew his sword, went up to the sailor, who had committed the outrage, and demanded the torn ensign. Captain Evans, a considerable man of Broughton's party, alighted and obliged the sailor to return it. Broughton's party continued their march for some time, and then proclaimed Broughton Governor. After huzzaing, they approached the fort gate, and made a show of forcing it; but observing Captain Pawley with his pistol cocked, and many other gentlemen with their guns presented and all forbiding them at their peril to attempt the gate, they retired to a tavern on the bay; before which they first caused their written paper or proclamation to be again read, and then dismounted. After much altercation, many reciprocal messages and answers, and the mediation of several peace-makers, the controversy was referred to the decision of the Lords proprietors; and it was agreed that Colonel Gibbes should continue in the administration of government, until they determined which of the two should be obeyed as Governor. Their determination was in favor of neither. The proprietors appointed Charles Craven, who then held their commission

as Secretary, to be Governor. He was proclaimed in form, and took upon him the administration. During his government, the province was involved in two sharp contests with the Indians. One in North Carolina with the Tuscaroras, and another much more distressing with the Yamassees, which were ably and successfully conducted by the Governor, as shall be related in its proper place. On his departure for England, in 1716, he appointed Robert Daniel, Deputy Governor. In the year following, Robert Johnson, son of Sir Nathaniel Johnson, succeeded to the office of Governor. He was the last who held that office under the authority of the proprietors.

CIVIL HISTORY OF SOUTH CAROLINA.

CHAPTER III.

The Revolution in 1719, from Proprietary to Royal Gov

ernment.

In the administration of Robert Johnson, a revolution from proprietary to a regal system of government was accomplished. The explosion took place in the year 1719; but the train of events which occasioned it was of prior origin. From the first settlement of the province, short had been the intervals of contention between the proprietors and the people; but from the year 1715, various causes contributed to widen the breach and destroy all confidence between them. One in particular, which had a decided influence, resulted from the war of 1715, between South Carolina and the Yamassee Indians. While this hard struggle was pending, the legislature made application to the proprietors for their paternal help; but, being doubtful whether they would be inclined to involve their English estates in debt for supporting their property in Carolina, they instructed their agent, in case of failure with them, to apply to the King for relief. The merchants entered cordially into the measure for making application to the King, and perceived at once the many advantages which would accrue to them from being taken under the immediate care and protection of the crown. It was alleged that ships of war would soon clear the coast of sea robbers, and give free scope to trade and navigation-that forces by land would over-awe the warlike Indians-prevent their inroads, and procure for

the inhabitants peace and security. The people in general, were dissatisfied with living under a government unable to protect them. They therefore were very unanimous in the proposed application to the crown for royal protection.

About the middle of the year 1715 the agent for Carolina waited on the proprietors, with a representation of the calamities under which their colony labored from the ravages of Indians and the depredations of pirates. He acquainted them that the Yamassees, by the influence of Spanish emissaries, had claimed the whole country as their ancient possession; and had conspired with many other tribes to assert their right by force of arms, and therefore urged the necessity of sending immediate relief to the colony. But not being satisfied with their answer, he petitioned the house of commons in behalf of the distressed Carolinians. The commons addressed the King, praying for his interposition and immediate assistance. The King referred the matter to the lords commissioners of trade and plantations. The lords of trade made an objection that the province of Carolina was one of the proprietary governments; and were of opinion, that if the nation should be at the expense of protecting it, the government thereof ought to be vested in the crown. Upon which Lord Carteret wrote a letter to the following effect: "We, the proprietors of Carolina, are utterly unable to afford our colony suitable assistance in this conjuncture; and, unless his majesty will graciously please to interpose, we can foresee nothing but the utter destruction of his majesty's faithful subjects in those parts." The lords of trade asked Lord Carteret, "What sum might be necessary for that service, and whether the government of the colony should not devolve on the crown if Great Britain should agree to bear the expense of its defence?" To which Lord Carteret replied: "The proprietors submitted to his majesty what sum of money he should be pleased to grant for their assistance; and in case the money advanced for this purpose should not in a reasonable time be repaid, they humbly conceived that then his majesty would have an equitable right to take the government under his immediate care and protection."

The same year a bill was brought into the House of Commons in England, for the better regulation of the charter and proprietary governments in America; the chief design of which was to reduce all charter and proprietary governments into regal ones. Men conversant in the history of past ages, particularly in that of the rise and progress of different States, had long foreseen the rapid increase of American colonies; and wisely judged that it would be for the interest of the kingdom to purchase them for the crown as soon as possible.