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sent puts me in mind significantly enough, to exert myself HENRY I. for a good example, and let my light shine before men. I shall take care, therefore, to profit by the hint, and live up to the emblematick instruction. Indeed, there is scarce any part of nature but has something of mystery and precept in it, and would help us to improve our morals if rightly read and examined. But then, as to what relates to yourself, you are so much lodged in my memory and esteem, that it is impossible to forget you. The idea of your goodness will never be worn out; and though I am a sinner when I approach to the altar, yet, since I am a priest too, I hope I may be somewhat serviceable. And here, most illustrious queen, your present will be both furniture to the occasion, Hildebert. and refresh the memory of the bishop that officiates.


After the queen's death, this bishop, being desired to pray for her soul, sent the following answer into England:

Epist. 16. in Biblioth. Patrum, tom. 12. pars 1. fol. 315.



"To form conjectures upon the future from things past The bishop is no ill way of arguing. From this topick we hope for a second letlasting friendship from you, because we perceive it is not ter. your custom to throw your affection for your friends into their grave after them. The pious regard you express for your deceased queen confirms me in this comfortable opinion. You do not think it respect enough to pray for her yourselves, unless you engage others in the same charitable office. Though, after all, I believe she is rather in a condition to benefit us with her intercessions, than to stand in need of the assistance of ours; for I must frankly tell you, that she was a princess of so happy a conduct, as not to suffer any damage by the disadvantages of her station. She was proof against the temptations of wealth and power, neither did the pleasures of a court life make any unserviceable impressions upon her. She was gold, without alloy; and all virtue, without blemish or abatement. And though this manner of living goes safe into the other world, and leaves nothing to the charity of friends, yet, out of a desire to pay a regard to the princess deceased, we have performed the matter of your request before you asked it. For we cannot be too forward in this business; and he that does

RALPH, not serve her for her own sake is ungrateful to her memory.
Abp. Cant. Did we require prompting and solicitation, we should do
nothing towards a return. For he that is only proxy to an-
other in requiting a favour, can discharge no part of his own
debt and, indeed, not to remember the queen in these
offices upon the first occasion, is to fall short of justice to
Hildebert. her merit, and to think upon her too late."
Epist. 48.

in Biblioth.

Patr. tom. 12. par. 1. fol. 329.

Huntingt. Histor. 1. 7. fol. 218. Petr. Ble..

sens. conti

nuat. p. 129.

Anglic. 30th

This princess had the respect of a publick funeral, and was interred at Westminster. The poet, in his epitaph upon her, commends her from the advantages of her birth and person, from the equality of her temper, from her disengagement from the world, &c. Part of it runs thus:

Eadmer, 1. 5. p. 122.

O regina potens Anglorum linea regum,
Scotos nobilitans nobilitate tua.

Prospera non lætam facere nec aspera tristem;
Aspera risus ei, prospera terror erant.

Non decor effecit fragilem, non sceptra superbam,
Sola potens humilis, sola pudica decens.
Maii prima dies nostrorum nocte dierum
Raptam, perpetua fecit inesse die.

She had the honour of a saint paid to her memory, the 30th of April being appointed for the solemnity.

Part of the nobility of

Soon after the queen's death, a great part of the nobility Normandy of Normandy forgot their oath of allegiance, as Eadmer king Henry, complains, and revolted to the king of France. But it is probable they might think themselves under an unlawful engagement to king Henry, that duke Robert was wrongfully dispossessed, and that, since the father was kept prisoner in England, they were bound to recover the duchy for his son William. It is certain it was partly upon this pretence that Lewis, king of France, declared war against king Alford An- Henry, and prevailed with the Normans to join him. King Henry seems to have been unwilling to put the dispute upon a battle; and therefore, when it was told him the king of France had entered Normandy, he seemed not to take much notice of the invasion, imagining the enemy would be em

nal. vol. 4. p. 265

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to his troops.

barrassed in their march, and the storm spend itself in a HENRY I. little time; but when the king found his army somewhat impatient, and eager to engage the enemy, he thought it necessary to moderate their heat by representing to them, "that since they had given him so many proofs of their His speech loyalty, they need not wonder to find him very loath to hazard their persons; that it would be a great wickedness to be prodigal of the blood of such brave men, and enlarge his dominions by the loss of those who were so forward in venturing their own lives to preserve their sovereign. That since they were his native subjects, and bred under the protection of his government, he thought it the part of a good prince to arrest their motion, and keep them from sallying upon danger without necessity." This was a good-natured and Christian speech, and looks as if ambition had not governed him so far as to make him undervalue the lives of his subjects. But afterwards, when he perceived this con- Malınsb, de duct misinterpreted to cowardice, and that king Lewis 1. 5. fol. 90. plundered and burnt the country, and was advanced within four miles of the English court, he awakened his courage,

Henric. 1.

took the field, and gave the French a considerable defeat Malmsb. ib. near Rouën.

About this time the order of the Knights Templars began. The institution of the The manner of it was thus: some religious gentlemen put order of themselves under the government of the patriarch of Jeru- the Knights Templars. salem, renounced property, and undertook the vow of celi- a. D. 1118. bacy and obedience, like the canons regular. There were but nine of this order at first, the chief of which were Hugo de Paganis and Geoffrey of St. Omers. These religious having neither house nor church belonging to their society, king Baldwin gave them an apartment in his palace, which stood over-against the south gate of the church dedicated to our Saviour. The canons of this church gave them part of their street adjoining, upon certain conditions, either of rent or service. They had likewise land settled for their maintenance by the king, the patriarch, and the nobility. The business of their character, enjoined them by the patriarch and the other bishops, was to guard the roads for the security of pilgrims. For the first nine years they were confined to the number of nine; after this term there was a rule drawn up for them at the council of Troyes, and a white habit


RALPH, assigned them by pope Honorius II. And now their number
Abp. Cant.
was left at liberty, and their estates began to improve.
About twenty years after, in the popedom of Eugenius III.,
they had red crosses sewed upon their cloaks, as a mark of
distinction; and in a short time their number was increased to
about three hundred knights in their convent at Jerusalem,
besides abundance of their fraternity in other places. Mat-
thew Paris reports, they had great estates in all parts of
Christendom, and that their funds exceeded the revenues of
many princes; that they were called Knights Templars be-
cause their first house stood near the church dedicated to
our Saviour at Jerusalem. They kept up to the design of
their institution for some time, but were very much degene-
rated when this historian wrote: "for now," says he, "they
are revolted from their primitive discipline; they refuse
submission to the patriarchs, their first benefactors; detain
parochial tithes, and are grown troublesome to all sort of

Guliel. Tyr. people."

de Bello

Sacr. 1. 12.

c. 7.

Matth. Paris, Hist.

Angl. p. 67. nal. ad An.

1118. sect. 36.

The council of Rheims.

A. D. 1119. Eadmer, p. 124.

After the death of Gelasius, that part of the cardinals and court of Rome that attended him into France, elected Guido, cardinal and archbishop of Vienne, for his successor. This prelate was a Frenchman, royally extracted, and had served pope Paschal, in the quality of legate, to great satisfaction. He took the name of Calixtus II. But, notwith

standing the advantages of birth, wealth, and station, which Baron. An- were all very considerable in this prelate, the other party nal. ad An. bore up against him; and Gregory, as they called him, held St. Peter's chair at Rome, and performed the functions of that character.

1119. sect.

5. Eadmer, p. 123.

The English Church divided

about own ing the two popes, Ca

lixtus and Gregory.

This pope, in the first year of his pontificate, held a Eadmer, ib. council at Rheims, where the ishops of Exeter, Durham, St. David's, and Landaff were present. Ralph, archbishop of Canterbury, though at that time in Normandy, was forced to be absent upon the score of business and ill health.

This council, which was very numerous, made a farther provision against simony, against investitures by layhands against seizing the revenues of the Church; against

The English Church was somewhat at a loss about this competition; some owned the one pretender, some the other, and some refused both: but, at last, the French and the king of England declared for Calixtus.

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bishops and priests settling benefices upon their relations, HENRY I. or posterity. They likewise forbad the clergy marriage, and the taking of any consideration for chrism, holy oil, christenings, and burials.

Baron. Annal. ad An.

et 13.

Thurstan, elect of York, desired leave to go to this coun- 1119. tom. cil, which the king would by no means grant, till he had 12. sect. 12 solemnly promised not to solicit the pope for anything prejudicial to the see of Canterbury, nor to receive consecration from his holiness upon any consideration whatsoever. And, to secure this point the better, the king sent Siefrid, the archbishop of Canterbury's brother, ambassador to the pope, to put him in mind, neither to consecrate Thurstan himself, or suffer him to be consecrated by any other person, excepting the archbishop of Canterbury: and that, if things were otherwise carried, he would never suffer the elect of York to live in any part of his dominions. The pope gave the ambassador an assurance of clear dealing, and that he would do nothing to the disadvantage of the see of Canterbury.

and Calixtus

And now one would have thought the business had been Thurstan well guarded but it seems Thurstan broke his word, prevaricate. bribed the pope's court, and prevailed with his holiness for his consecration. The king's ambassador and Ralph's agents were much surprised at this turn: and when everything was prepared, and the office ready to commence, John, archdeacon of Canterbury, stepped up to the pope, a great many bishops and other persons of quality being present, and remonstrated, that this solemnity ought to be performed by the archbishop of Canterbury, and that his holiness had no authority to deprive that see of her privilege. The pope answered, that he designed no manner of injury to the see of Canterbury. This was looked upon as a very unsatisfactory reply; that it was plainly no better than protestatio contra factum, saying one thing and doing another. These proceedings had so odd a complexion, that Hubald, archbishop of Lyons, ventured to disobey the pope's order, and would by no means appear at the consecration.

When the king was informed of this management, he forbad Thurstan and his family returning into any part of his dominions.

Not long after, the pope and the king had an interview




p. 125.

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