first were to put a stop to the cruel proceedings of the courts martial, the executions, the burnings, the whippings, &c. that then covered the land-the latter, to cease all further efforts on their side, and either to receive pardons, or to banish themselves from the country.

During these negotiations, Mr. Bond was respited from time to time, when, on the morning of the 6th of September, he was found dead in his chamber. In times of suspicion and distrust, the sudden death of a man who was so universally beloved on one side, and so much feared on the other, it is not wonderful that it should be ascribed to "foul play." Since the first edition, we have heard so many accounts, which go to assert that Mr. Bond came unfairly by his death, that we think it best to leave the matter in the same state of uncertainty in which we found it.

As doubts have arisen respecting these negotiations, and it having been said, that no such interference ever took place, the following letters will put that matter beyond a doubt. We copy them from the original documents, and leave them to the judgment of the reader.

COPY OF A LETTER FROM MR. RUFUS KING, THE AMERICAN MINISTER AT THE COURT OF LONDON, TO MR. HENRY JACKSON, ONE OF THE IRISH STATE PRISONERS.

"Brighton, Aug. 28, 1799.

"SIR,

"I ought to inform you, that I really have no authority to give or refuse permission to you or any other foreigner to go

to the United States; the admission and residence of strangers in that country being a matter that, by a late law, exclusively belongs to the president. It is true that the government of this country in the course of the last year, in consequence of my interference, gave me an assurance that a particular description of persons in Ireland, who it was understood were going to the United States, should not be allowed to proceed without our consent: this restraint would doubtless be withdrawn in favour of individuals against whose emigration I should not object; and I conclude, that it is upon this supposition, that you have taken the trouble to communicate to me your desire to go and reside in the United States. Without presuming to form an opinion on the subject of the late disturbances in Ireland, I entertain a distinct one in relation to the political situation of my own country. In common with others, we have felt the influence of the changes that have successively taken place in France, and, unfortunately, a portion of our inhabitants has erroneously supposed that our civil and political institutions, as well as our national policy, might be improved by a close imitation of the models of France. This opinion, the propagation of which was made the duty, and became the chief employment, of the French agents resident among us, created a more considerable division among our people, and required a greater watchfulness and activity from the government, than could beforehand have been apprehended. I am sorry to make the remark, and shall stand in need of your candour in doing so, that a large proportion of the emigrants from Ireland, and especially in our middle states, has, upon this occasion, arranged itself on the side of the malcontents. I ought to except from this remark, most of the enlightened and well educated Irishmen, who reside among us, and, with a few exceptions, I might confine it to the indigent and illiterate, who, entertaining an attachment to freedom, are unable justly to appreciate those salutary restraints without which it degenerates into anarchy. It would be injustice to say that the Irish emigrants are more

national than those of other countries, yet being a numerous though very minor portion of our population, they are capable, from `causes it is needless now to explain, of being generally brought to act in concert, and under artful leaders may be, as they have been, enlisted in mischievous combinations against our government. This view leads me to state to you, without reserve, the hesitation that I have felt in your case. On the one hand, we cannot object to the acquisition of inhabitants from abroad, possessing capital and skill in a branch of business that with due caution, may, without risk or difficulty, and with public as well as private advantage, be established among us; but, on the other hand, if the opinions of such inhabitants are likely to throw them into the class of malcontents, their fortune, skill, and consequent influence, would make them tenfold more dangerous, and they might become a disadvantage instead of a benefit to our country. You must be sensible that I possess no sufficient means of forming an opinion respecting your sentiments, but the motives which lead me to interfere with your government to restrain the emigration of the persons above alluded to, oblige me to observe a due caution on the present occasion: at the same time, I desire not to act with illiberality, and should be unwilling to bring upon my country the slightest imputation of inhospitality. What Mr. Wilson* has written, so far as it goes, is satisfactory; and on the whole I have concluded, after this unreserved communication, which I hope will be received with the same candour as it is made, to inform you, authorizing you to make use of the information, that I withdraw every objection that may be supposed to stand in the way of your being permitted to go to the United States, adding only my earnest wish, that you may carry with you an unbiassed mind, may find the state of the country, as I believe you will, favourable to your views of business, and its government deserving your attachment.

*The American Consul in Dublin.

"I must beg your excuse for the great delay that has occurred in sending you this answer, which, I assure you, has arisen from other causes than the want of due respect to your letters.

"With great consideration,

"I have the honour to be,

"Sir, your most obedient servant, "RUFUS KING."

COPY OF A LETTER FROM LORD CASTLEREAGH TO MR.

JACKSON.

"Dublin Castle, 13th Sept. 1799.

"SIR,

.

"I return to you the letter of the American minister; and am directed by my lord lieutenant to acquaint you, that you have permission to go to America, on giving the necessary securities, for the execution of which a proper person will attend you. You will be allowed the attendance of such persons as may be necessary to you for the settlement of your affairs; and when the vessel in which you shall engage your passage shall be ready to sail, a messenger will attend your embarkation.

“I am, Sir,

"Your most obedient servant,

"CASTLEREAGH.”

THE TRIAL

OF JAMES N. TANDY, ON AN ACT OF ATTAINDER.

KING'S BENCH.

BY virtue of a certiorari directed to the clerk of parliament, the tenor of a certain statute to attaint James N. Tandy, Harvey Morris, and others, of high treason, having been returned into chancery, was from thence transmitted into this court by mittimus. The prisoners, Tandy and Morris, on the 10th of February, 1800, were brought into court, when, after having the act of parliament read to them, they were called upon to say, why execution should not be awarded and done upon them according to the statute, of which the following is the

PENAL CLAUSE.

"Whereas the following persons have been notoriously engaged in the said rebellion, either by taking up arms or levying war against his majesty, or by having corresponded with, or adhered to his enemies; or by otherwise fomenting or promoting the same, or acting therein, and being conscious of their guilt, have fled from justice; that is to say, (here follow several names,) James N. Tandy and Harvey Morris. Be it therefore enacted, that the said several persons, and each of them, shall stand attainted of high treason, and shall be liable to all the pains and penalties of law annexed to the