this bill, which introduced so important an innovation in the constitution. Solemn thanks were presented him by both houses. Great rejoicings manifested the general satisfaction both in the city and throughout the kingdom; and mighty professions were every where made of gratitude and mutual returns of supply and confidence. In the mean time, a change of ministers as well as of measures, was resolved on. In one day, several privy-counsellors, all chosen from the popular party, were sworn; and some of them afterwards, when matters were pushed to extremities by the commons, proved the greatest support of monarchy.

Charles, who wanted above all to save the life of Strafford, had expected to mollify by these indulgences the rage of his most violent persecutors. But his high reputation for experience and capacity alarmed the new members of the privy council and administration; they plainly saw that if he was acquitted, he must be reinstated into favour and power, and they considered his death as the best security they could have for success in their future enterprises; his impeachment was therefore pushed on with the utmost vigour. A committee of thirteen was appointed by the commons, to prepare a charge against him. These, joined to a small committee of lords, were vested with authority to examine all witnesses, to call for every paper, and use any means of scrutiny respecting the earl's behaviour. To render it more difficult for him to elude their search, or prepare for his justification, this committee, by direction of both houses, took an oath of secrecy, a practice, not only unusual, but evidently contrary to the humane spirit of the English laws and constitution, which more than any other have opened and secured to the accused parties all possible means for their defence.

Application was made to the king, that he would

allow the committee to examine privy-counsellors, with regard to opinions delivered in council, which Charles imprudently granted, without reflecting that thenceforward, all confidence must be banished from the deliberations of his council.

As soon as the particulars of this odious prosecution were known in Ireland, the Irish house of commons, who had lately bestowed great praise on Strafford's administration, sent over a committee to London, who entered into all violent counsels against their unfortunate governor, associated themselves with his most inveterate enemies, and supplied them with a representation of the miserable state into which they supposed their country to be fallen by his misconduct.

Ann. 1641.

To bestow the greatest solemnity on this important trial, scaffolds were erected in Westminster Hall, where both houses sat. Besides the chair of state, a close gallery was prepared for the king and queen, who attended at every sitting. The articles of impeachment against Strafford were twentyeight in number, and related to his conduct as president of the great council of York, as deputy, or lord-lieutenant of Ireland, and as counsellor and commander. None of them taken separately, and even supposed to be completely proved, could have afforded a legal ground to any capital condemnation against him; but it was argued by the prosecution, that when united, they amounted to a kind of accumulative or constructive evidence, that the general system of his conduct tended to render the king's authority arbitrary and despotic.

Though four months were employed by the managers in framing the accusation, and all Strafford's answers were extemporary, it evidently appears,

not only that he was free from the crime of treason, but that his conduct, making allowance for human infirmities, exposed to such a severe scrutiny, was innocent and even laudable. The account of this shocking trial, given by the historian Whitlock, is the more remarkable, that he was himself chairman of that committee, which conducted the impeachment. Certainly," says he, with his usual candour, (page 41,) "never any man acted "such a part, on such a theatre, with more wisdom,

constancy, and eloquence, with greater reason, "judgment, and temper, and with a better grace " in all his words and actions, than' did that great "and excellent person; and he moved the hearts "of all his auditors, some few excepted, to remorse and pity."

c

The accusation lasted eighteen days, including the earl's defence, which was so satisfactory on all the articles of impeachment, that the commons saw it impossible by a legal prosecution, ever to obtain a sentence against him. But the death of Strafford was too important a stroke not to be attempted by all other means whatsoever, and a bill of attainder was found to be the easiest of all. It was brought therefore into the lower house, at the end of the pleadings, and grounded upon some notes of a de bate in council, pretended to be taken by Sir Henry Vane, secretary, after the dissolution of the last parliament. It appeared by that note, that the king having asked in council, how he could enter into offensive or defensive war with the Scots, if he had no money; Strafford advised him to borrow of the city, one hundred thousand pounds, and go on vigorously to levy ship money. "You have," continued he, "an army in Ireland, which you may " employ to reduce this kingdom to obedience; for "I am confident the Scots cannot hold out five "months."

The managers of the prosecution, pretended that this paper was equivalent to two witnesses, and could leave no doubt on those pernicious counsels of Strafford, which tended to the subversion of the laws and constitution, and to the overthrow of the country, as the words, this kingdom, could mean no other than England. Vane's deposition, was, however, exceedingly dubious; upon two examinations he could not remember any such words; even the third time, his testimony implied that Strafford had spoken such or such like words. It was replied by Strafford and his friends, that old Vane was his most declared enemy, that if he had willingly delivered these notes to his son, to be communicated to Pym, it was such a breach of oaths and trust, as rendered him totally unworthy of credit; that the words this or that kingdom, used by Strafford in his answer to the king's question respecting the means of subduing the rebellious Scots, regarded only Scotland, and could not, without absurdity, imply England, which had not thrown off allegiance, and wanted no wise to be reduced to obedience; that the intention never was to land the Irish army in England, but in Scotland, as it could be proved by the evidence of all other counsellors present. On Vane's evidence alone, however, the bill of attainder passed the commons, with no other opposition than that of fifty-nine dissenting votes. But the assent of the two other members of the legislature was requisite, and it was easily foreseen that they would reject the bill. The popular, leaders soon found the most efficacious means to overcome that difficulty, The puritanical pulpits resounded with declamations concerning the necessity of executing justice against great delinquents. The populace took the alarm. About six thousand men, armed with swords and cudgels, flocked from the city, and sur

rounded the houses of parliament. The names of the fifty-nine commoners who had voted against the bill of attainder, were posted up under the name of Straffordians and betrayers of their country. They were exposed to all the insults of the enraged multitude. When any of the lords passed, the cry for justice against Strafford was bawled in their ears; and such as were suspected of friendship to him, met with menaces uttered with symptoms of the most desperate resolutions.

Every thing, at that juncture was thrown into flame and combustion by a new discovery. A plan had been formed by some officers disgusted with the parliament, for engaging the English army into the king's service; and a petition was drawn up, to be subscribed by the officers and soldiers, representing the dangerous consequences of the late innovations. The draught of this petition being presented to the king, he incautiously subscribed it with his initials as a mark of approbation. But several difficulties having occurred, the project was laid aside two months before any discovery was made of it. The secret was now betrayed to the popular leader, by one of the officers concerned in it, and whose name was Goring. The alarm which this intelligence conveyed, soon rose to the highest pitch. Rumours of new conspiracies were every day circulated. In Lancashire, it was said, great multitudes of papists were assembling; secret meetings were held by them in caves, and under ground in Surry; they had entered into a plot, to blow up the river with gun-powder in order to drown the city; provisions of arms were making beyond sea; sometimes France, sometimes Denmark were forming designs against the kingdom. The more absurd these stories were, the more firmly they were believed by the populace, who grew still more clamorous in their demands of justice