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paigns; at least, while I had the honour of administering the war against her. The word may perhaps be thought singular. I mean only, while I was minister, chiefly entrusted with the conduct of the war. I remember, my lords, the time when Lorrain was united to the crown of France that too was in some measure a pacific conquest, and there were people who talked of it as the noble duke now speaks of Corsica. France was permitted to take and keep possession of a noble province; and according to his grace's ideas, we did right in not opposing it. The effect of these acquisitions is, I confess, not immediate; but they unite with the main body by degrees, and in time make a part of the national strength. I fear, my lords, it is too much the temper of this country to be insensible of the approach of danger, until it comes with accumulated terror upon us.

My lords, the condition of his majesty's affairs in Ireland, and the state of that kingdom within itself, will undoubtedly make a very material part of your lordships' enquiry. I am not sufficiently informed to enter into the subject so fully as I could wish, but from what appears to the public and my own observation, I confess I cannot give the ministry much credit for the spirit or prudence of their conduct. I see that where their measures are well chosen, they are incapable of carrying them through without some unhappy mixture of weakness or imprudence. They are incapable of doing entirely right. My lords, I do from my conscience, and from the best weighed principles of my understanding, applaud the augmentation of the army. As a military plan, I believe it has been judiciously arranged. In a political view, I am convinced it was for the welfare, for the safety of the whole empire. But, my lords, with all these advantages, with all these recommendations, if I had the honour of advising his majesty, I would never have consented to his accepting the augmentation with that absurd, dishonourable condi

tion which the ministry have submitted to annex to it. My lords, I revere the just prerogative of the crown, and would contend for it as warmly as for the rights of the people. They are linked together, and naturally support each other. I would not touch a feather of the prerogative. The expression perhaps is too light; but since I have made use of it, let me add, that the entire command and power of directing the local disposition of the army, is to the royal prerogative as the master feather in the eagle's wing: and if I were permitted to carry the allusion a little farther, I would say, they have disarmed the imperial bird, the "ministrum fulminis alitem." The army is the thunder of the crown. The ministry have tied up the hand which should direct the bolt.

My lords, I remember that Minorca was lost for want of four battalions: they could not be spared from hence, and there was a delicacy about taking them from Ireland. I was one of those who promoted an enquiry into that matter in the other house; and I was convinced we had not regular troops sufficient for the necessary service of the nation. Since the moment the plan of augmentation was first talked of, I have constantly and warmly supported it among my friends; I have recommended it to several members of the Irish house of commons, and exhorted them to support it with their utmost interest in parliament. I did not foresee, nor could I conceive it possible, the ministry would accept of it, with a condition that makes the plan itself ineffectual, and, as far as it operates, defeats every useful purpose of maintaining a standing military force. His majesty is now so confined by his promise, that he must leave twelve thousand men locked up in Ireland, let the situation of his affairs abroad, or the approach of danger to this country, be ever so alarming, unless there be an actual rebellion or invasion in Great Britain. Even in the two cases excepted by the king's promise, the mischief must have already begun to operate, must have

already taken effect, before his majesty can be authorised to send for the assistance of his Irish army. He has not left himself the power of taking any preventive measures; let his intelligence be ever so certain, let his apprehensions of invasion or rebellion be ever so well founded; unless the traitor be actually in arms, unless the enemy be in the heart of your country, he cannot move a single man from Ireland.

I feel myself compelled, my lords, to return to that subject which occupies and interests me most-I mean the internal disorder of the constitution, and the remedy it demands. But first, I would observe, there is one point upon which I think the noble duke has not explained himself. I do not mean to catch at words, but if possible to possess the sense of what I hear. I would treat every man with candour, and should expect the same candour in return. For the noble duke, in particular, I have every personal respect and regard. I never desire to understand him but as he wishes to be understood. His grace, I think, has laid much stress upon the diligence of the several public offices, and the assistance given them by the administration, in preparing a state of the expences of his majesty's civil government, for the information of parliament, and for the satisfaction of the public. He has given us a number of plausible reasons for their not having yet been able to finish the account; but as far as I 'am able to recollect, he has not yet given us the smallest reason to hope that it ever will be finished, or that it ever will be laid before parliament.

My lords, I am not unpractised in business; and if with all that apparent diligence, and all that assistance which the noble duke speaks of, the accounts in question have not yet been made up, I am convinced there must be a defect in some of the public offices, which ought strictly to be enquired into, and severely punished. But, my lords, the waste of the public money, is not of itself so important as the pernicious purpose to which we have

reason to suspect that money has been applied. For some years past, there has been an influx of wealth into this country, which has been attended with many fatal consequences; because it has not been the regular, natural produce of labour and industry. The riches of Asia have been poured in upon us, and have brought with them not only Asiatic luxury, but I fear Asiatic principles of government. Without connections, without any natural interest in the soil, the importers of foreign gold have forced their way into parliament, by such a torrent of private corruption as no private hereditary fortune could resist. My lords, I say nothing but what is within the knowledge of us all. The corruption of the people is the great original cause of the discontents of the people themselves, of the enterprises of the crown, and the notorious decay of the internal vigour of the constitution. For this great evil some immediate remedy must be provided; and I confess, my lords, I did hope that his majesty's servants would not have suffered so many years of peace to elapse without paying some attention to an object which ought to engage and interest us all. I flattered myself I should see some barriers thrown up in defence of the constitution some impediment formed to stop the rapid progress of corruption. I doubt not we all agree that something must be done. I shall offer my own thoughts, such as they are, to the consideration of the house; and I wish that every noble lord who hears me would be as ready as I am to contribute his opinion to this important service. I will not call my own sentiments crude and indigested: it would be unfit for me to offer any thing to your lordships which I had not well considered; and ⚫ this subject, I own, has long occupied my thoughts. I will now give them to your lordships without reserve. Whoever understands the theory of the English constitution, and will compare it with the fact, must see at once how widely they differ. We must reconcile them to each other, if we wish to save the liberties of this country, VOL. II. 7

We must reduce our political practice as nearly as possible to our political principles. The constitution intended that there should be a permanent relation between the constituent and representative body of the people. Will any man affirm that as the house of commons is now formed, that relation is in any degree preserved? My lords, it is not preserved: it is destroyed. Let us be cautious, however, how we have recourse to violent expedients.

The boroughs of this country have properly enough been called the rotten parts of the constitution. I have lived in Cornwall, and without entering into an invidious particularity, have seen enough to justify the appellation. But in my judgment, my lords, these boroughs, corrupt as they are, must be considered as the natural infirmity of the constitution. Like the infirmities of the body, we must bear them in patience, and submit to carry them about with us. The limb is mortified,

but the amputation might be death.

Let us try, my lords, whether some gentle remedies may not be discovered. Since we cannot cure the disorder, let us endeavour to infuse such a portion of new health into the constitution as may enable it to support its most inveterate diseases.

The representation of the counties is, I think, still preserved pure and uncorrupted. That of the great cities is upon a footing equally respectable; and there are many of the larger trading towns, which still preserve their independence. The infusion of health which I now allude to, would be to permit every county to elect one member more in addition to their present representation. The knights of the shires approach nearest to the constitutional representation of the country, because they represent the soil. It is not the little dependent boroughs, it is in the great cities and counties that the strength and vigour of the constitution resides, and by them alone, if an unhappy question should ever arise, will the constitution be honestly and firmly defended. I would encrease that