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It might have been useful to have taken up the minor prophets in another point of view from what we have yet done, namely, in regard to the grand lessons taught by them. But we have no space left for more than a hint on this topic. There is little doctrine of a New Testament kind except in two of them. Sin is the great subject of their burdens. They are schoolmasters to lead to Christ, as the law is; and often, too, they themselves suddenly lead us to the God of Israel, and would fain throw us at his feet. They do not deal with the work of a Saviour, but they deal with the sinner's guilt and need, and with the person of the living God. Sin, and the God against whom we sin, are ever kept before us. What views of sin are opened up by Hosea! How awful the ruin produced by sin in Joel and Zephaniah's day of the Lord! How cruel the tendencies of sin exhibited in Amos! How tremendous the flame of the fiery law in Nahum! How basely selfish the sinner appears in Haggai; and how unreasonable, as exposed by Malachi! And, on the other hand, how sweet is Hosea's last words inviting us to his God! How touching Zephaniah's description of the Lord's delight over his Israel, who are become humble and poor in spirit, bowing to his will. And how precious are the concluding strains of Micah, whose eye seems to look into the bosom where the Beloved Son as he sings in the name of Israel—

"Who is a God like unto thee,

Pardoning iniquity, and passing by the transgression
Of the remnant of his heritage?

He retaineth not his anger for ever,

Because he delighteth in mercy.

He will turn again; He will have compassion upon us;
He will subdue our iniquities;

reposes,

Yea, thou wilt cast all their sins into the depths of the sea!
Thou wilt perform the truth to Jacob, the mercy to Abraham,
Which thou hast sworn to our fathers from the days of old!"

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iii. 13, and only there. Many critics maintain, both here and in 1 Thessal. iii. 13, that holy ones,' or angels, are meant, as in the parallel passages, Deut. xxxiii. 2, and Jude v. 14. The original word for 'saints' is 'holy,' applied to angels by the Lord Jesus in speaking of their attending him on the day of his appearing: Mark viii. 38, Luke ix. 26, and Matt. xxv. 31. These angels attend and minister when he comes to gather his saints. 2d. If this view of holy ones' be not adopted, then this passage proves that the expression, all his saints,' means all those already gathered to Christ, but not all who ever shall be gathered. The Lord comes with all that are already his; but here are innumerable others to be gathered, for the prophet goes on to tell us of times long after,-times when Holiness to the Lord' shall be written on the very bridles of the horses; when these saints,' who come with their Lord, shall see on earth a holier, more saintly generation, than ever this world has known.

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ART. III. The Establishment shown to be laid prostrate at the feet of the Civil Magistrate. By the Rev. J. M. M'CULLOCH, D.D., Minister of the Establishment, West Church, Greenock. James Dewar and Son. Perth, 1846.

But this

NONE will accuse us of siding with any of the political parties of the State. The Presbyterian Review, as a religious journal, has all along occupied a higher field than that of earthly politics, and we do not mean now to change our character. should not preclude us from noticing, in order to condemn, the spirit of the world. That spirit should not be protected merely because it is in political parties it may happen chiefly to appear. It is right for the church occasionally, at least, to expose the hollow pretensions of the world, not in revenge for the false accusations which it prefers against the people of God, but to warn the faithful, and show the world's own votaries how unworthy it is of their homage and allegiance. We think that we are furnished with such an opportunity in its recent treatment of political and ecclesiastical delinquency. Though the reference may seem to bear more upon one of the great political parties of the State than another, yet no political bias is intended. We believe that all merely secular parties are and must be the enemies of evangelical religion, and a spiritual church; and that the higher the Christianity the hatred will ever be the more intense. There may be circumstances which give a keener edge to the bitterness of one party than of another, but this is accidental. It is not so much of political parties as of the world-which they represent, that we write, the world as contradistinguished from the church, -and it is no presumption to mark its inconsistency and dishonesty, especially when the Providence of God supplies the proof, and calls us to contemplate it. Journalists, whether religious or not, particularly where they are religious, owe an important duty to the public. It is part of their calling to see to the character of public men, and to denounce gross deviations from public morality. The obligation is all the stronger when the line of observation can be turned into a religious channel, and made subservient to religious good. It is not in a spirit of uncharitableness or revenge, but under a sense of public duty, that we call the attention of our readers to the following remarks.

It is well known to all, that within the last two or three years a large body of ministers in the Ecclesiastical Establishment of this country, above Two HUNDRED AND FIFTY in number, violated the most solemn pledges, on a question confessedly not unimportant, but involving great principles of the word of God, nothing

less than the doctrine of the Redeemer's headship over the church in some of its most visible and tangible forms. The fact is indisputable. It is written in characters which cannot be effaced. No ministers nor members of the Establishment can allege with the smallest pretence to truth, that subsequent legislation has covered their principles, and so protected their consciences. Legislation on every point has only served to put beyond question or dispute the very principles against which for years they solemnly, and with all earnestness, protested as unscriptural,—as fatal to the true organization and administration of a church of Christ, as demanding their separation from the Establishment. They cannot say that they changed their minds, and hence their change of conduct, in any other sense than all apostates can say that in their case there is a change of mind previous to their apostacy. The change was from matured, repeated, solemnly declared conviction of Scriptural principle, without any change of circumstances to warrant, but the reverse, and did not take place till it was seen and known that a worldly sacrifice would be the punishment of maintaining that principle. All know—the world clearly estimates the meaning of such changes as these.

Now, how did the men of the world of all political parties treat these men. One would have expected that they would have despised and denounced and abandoned them. This was the moral retribution which was due, and which might have been salutary. Not a few of the men of the world, while the issue was still uncertain, and general apostacy was expected, were wont to declare, that if merchants and men of business proved as false as they confidently believed the Evangelical ministers of the Established Church would prove, they would be driven from the society of gentlemen-that no man of honour would speak to or associate with them. Such was the promise-what has been the performance? Why, it is notorious that these same men of the world who stand upon their love of truth and honour, and who fight duels at the smallest fancied imputation upon their integrity, have turned out to be the very patrons and supporters of the delinquent ministers, and not only so, but have denounced with bitterness and hate the only ministers who have stood true to their principles, and who deserved universal commendation! It is quite possible that some men of the world may have resented cases of gross delinquency, and that many more in heart despise the renegade, but we cannot give them much credit on this account. It can scarcely be alleged that this is true of the great mass,—and it is always to be considered that the disapprobation, even where it exists, is not so deep as to prevent them from waiting upon the ministry of the unfaithful, and de

fending them as much as they can when assailed. It is plain, then, that their moral sense in the case is low, and how low must it be when they spontaneously set up men to teach morality who have grossly outraged its first and most obvious precepts, and place themselves and their families for life in the instruction which is to fit for eternity-under such guides? To feel strongly in the heart, and yet, in order to save appearances, to assume the air of undisapproving friendship, only renders the hollowness and insincerity of the world more conspicuous.

Such is the world's treatment of Ecclesiastical apostacy. It is not a new feature in its character. History attests that it is the old and the uniform. And now let us ask, what is the treatment which the same men of the world mete out to political tergiversation? It is here that we come within sight of a particular political party in the State-we mean the High Conservative-but what is true of them in the present case, would doubtless have been true of their political opponents in similar circumstances. The difference then is not owing to any peculiarity of party politics. We are anxious to impress this conviction strongly upon the reader.

Ordinarily speaking, sudden changes of political sentiment and procedure are much more excusable than similar changes on religious or ecclesiastical conduct; the principles of politics are less certain and sacred. Events are continually taking place beyond the reach of the statesman,-events in God's providence,—which demand a modification or remodelling of the political creed. There seems even a peculiar blindness in men to political results while still future. In the absence of any infallible standard, as the Scriptures, and of fixed symbols like the Confession of Faith, it is well known, that on very many political questions there is an almost insensible progress of opinion from one point to another. Hence there is considerable scope for change without the imputation of insincerity or apostacy. These considerations should lead the men of the world to be very cautious and tender in their judgment of cases of apparent political delinquency, at least much more abstinent and doubtful than in judging of similar cases in the field of religion. But what is the fact? It is matter of notoriety, and the present state of political parties in the British Parliament supplies the illustration, that the same men of the world who are so insensible to ecclesiastical delinquency are keen, severe, almost unmerciful in their judgment of political delinquency. Though the country is likely to be largely benefited by the change in Sir Robert Peel's commercial policy, and all would naturally befriend him and his party from views of

VOL. XIX. NO. III.

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self-interest, yet who can be ignorant of the strong moral feeling of disapprobation which is directed against him and his colleagues, and all of the Conservative party who have gone over to his views. How have they been denounced on all public occasions since the meeting of the legislature, within and without the walls of Parliament, with an indignation almost unparalleled! We pronounce no opinion upon the justice of the severity in the extent to which it is carried. We simply mark the fact. One of the leading daily papers of the metropolis, which has the character of talent and moral feeling, and freedom from mere blind partizanship, and hate--we allude to the Standard-after announcing the majority of 97 by which the new commercial measures were carried, and stating that it was made up of a large number of apostates,' goes on to say,- This is a frightful and disgusting exhibition. The immediate and direct evil of the vote of last night is great, but it is nothing compared with the injury inflicted on the character and morals of the country, and upon the constitution itself. What respect can we demand for the most solemn obligation between man and man, when we see 90 or 100 persons in the rank of gentlemen-openly trampling upon their most distinct, unequivocal, and most public pledges? It is the symptom of a moral phthisis which must waste and corrupt the whole nation, if the nation do not slough off the diseased part by a vigorous effort. Let every constituency misrepresented and betrayed by an apostate, without any delay hold a meeting-call upon the apostate to resign, and whether he obey or disobey the call, resolve never to let him have another vote. Now is the time-now or never-to protect the whole nation from the infection of an epidemic immorality, from which, if it be allowed to prevail, the empire must perish, because it will deserve to perish.'

This is strong language, but evidently the sincere language of conscience wounded with the spectacle of dishonesty, and speakingout its genuine moral sentiments. Mutatis mutandis, how justly might every word be applied to the Ecclesiastical delinquents of Scotland, only with a stronger emphasis. How truly in regard to them might the question be put, What respect can we demand for the most solemn obligation between man and man, when we see (not only 90 or 100-but) 250 persons in the rank of gentlemen, teachers of morality, ministers of the Gospel of Christ, openly trampling upon their most distinct, unequivocal, and most public pledges? Well might parishes and congregations misrepresented and betrayed by clerical apostates be invited to meet to pronounce upon their conduct, and resolve never to give them another day of attendance. But for the honesty of their consistent brethren-now the Free Church of Scotland-how truly too

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