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The Athenians, who were next admitted to audience, contented themselves, without saying a word of the king, with putting the Etolians in mind of the alliance they had concluded with the Romans, and the service Quintius had done to all Greece; conjuring them not to form any rash resolution, in an affair of so much importance as that in question: that bold resolutions, taken with heat and vivacity, might have a pleasing prospect at first, but that the difficulty of putting them in execution appeared afterwards, and that they were very rarely successful: that the Roman ambassadors, among whom was Quintius, were not far off: that as things were still undecided, it would show more wisdom to weigh and examine deliberately, in peaceable interviews, their several claims and pretensions, than to involve precipitately, Europe and Asia in a war, of which the consequences could not but be deplorable. The populace, who are ever captivated by novelty, were entirely for Antiochus, and were even against admitting the Romans into the assembly; so that the oldest and wisest among them were forced to employ all their influence, before they could prevail to have them called in. Accordingly Quintius came thither, not so much from any hopes he entertained of being able to make the least impression on the minds of the people, as to prove to all mankind, that the Etolians were the sole cause of the war which was about to break out; and that the Romans would be forced to engage in it against their will, and merely through necessity. He began, by recalling to their memories the time in which the Etolians had concluded an alliance with the Romans he slightly mentioned the many things by which they had infringed it: and, after saying very little with regard to the cities which were the pretext of the quarrel, he only observed, that if they imagined themselves aggrieved, it would appear much more reasonable to make their remonstrances to the senate, who were always ready to hear their complaints, than out of mere wantonness, to excite a war between the Romans and Antiochus, which would disturb the peace of the world, and inevitably terminate in the ruin of those who promoted it.

The event proved the truth of his representations, which, however, were disregarded at that time. Thoas, and those of his faction, were heard with great attention; and obtained without delay, and even in the presence of the Romans, that a decree should be made, to invite Antiochus to come and deliver Greece, and be the arbiter of the differences between the Etolians and Romans. Quintius desiring a copy of this decree, Damocritus, then in office, was so inconsiderate as to answer in the most insolent tone, that he had bu siness of much greater consequence upon his hands at that time; but that he himself would soon carry his decree into Italy, and encamp on the banks of the Tiber so violent and furious a spirit had seized all the Ætolians, and even their principal magistrates. Quintius and the rest of the ambassadors returned to Corinth.

The Etolian privy council formed, in one day, the very astonishing resolutions of seizing, by a treacherous stratagem, Demetrias, Chalcis, and Lacedæmon; and three of the principal citizens were charged with the execution of these expeditions.*

Diocles set out for Demetrias, where, being assisted by the faction of Eurylochus, who was an exile, but appeared then at the head of the forces which Diocles had brought, he made himself master of the city.

But Thoas was not so successful in Chalcis, which he imagined he should be able to seize by the help of an exile; for the magistrates, who were strongly attached to the Romans, having received advice of the attempt that was meditating against their city, put it in a good state of defence, and enabled it to sustain a vigorous siege. Thoas thus failing in his design, returned in the utmost confusion.

Liv. 1. xxxv. n. 34-39.

The enterprise against Sparta was much more delicate, and of greater importance. No access could be had to it, but under the mask of friendship. Nabis had long solicited the aid of the Etolians. Alexamenes was therefore ordered to march a thousand foot thither. To these were added thirty young men, the flower of the cavalry, who were strictly enjoined by the magistrates to execute punctually their leader's orders, whatever they might be. The tyrant received Alexamenes with great joy. Both used to march out their troops every day, and exercise them in the plains on the side of the Eurotas. One day, Alexamenes having given the word to his cavalry, he attacked Nabis, whom he had purposely drawn into a solitary place, and threw him from his horse. Immediately all the troopers fell upon and covered him with wounds. Alexamenes, to lose no time, returned to the city to seize on the palace of Nabis. Had he convened the assembly that instant, and made a speech suitable to the occasion, his business would have been done, and Sparta would have declared for the Etolians; but he spent the remainder of the day, and the whole night, in searching after the tyrant's treasures; and his troops, by his example, began to plunder the city. The Spartans, taking up arms, made a great slaughter of the Ætolians dispersed in quest of booty, and marched directly to the palace, where they killed Alexamenes, whom they found with little or no guard, and solely intent upon securing his rich spoils. Such was the result of the enterprise against Sparta.

Philopomen, general of the Achæans, no sooner heard of the death of Nabis, than he marched a considerable body of troops toward Sparta, where he found all things in the utmost disorder. He assembled the principal citizens, made a speech to them, as Alexamenes ought to have done, and prevailed so far between arguments and compulsion, that he engaged the city to join in the Achæan league.*

This success greatly increased the reputation of Philopomen with those states, his having brought over to the league a city of such great power and authority as Sparta, being justly esteemed a service of no small importance. By this means he also gained the friendship and confidence of the most worthy men in Lacedæmon, who hoped he would prove their guarantee, and the defender of their liberty. For this reason, after the palace and furniture of Nabis had been sold, they resolved, by a public decree, to make him a present of the moneys arising from that sale, amounting to one hundred and twenty talents; and sent him a deputation to desire his acceptance of them.

On this occasion, says Plutarch, it was very evident, that the virtue of this great man was of the purest and most perfect kind; and that he not only appeared good and virtuous, but was really so; not one of the Spartans would undertake the commission of offering him that present. Struck with veneration and fear, they all excused themselves; and therefore, it was at last resolved to send Timolaus, who had formerly been his guest.

When he arrived at Megalopolis, he lodged at the house of Philopomen, who gave him the kindest reception. Here he had an opportunity of considering the severity of his whole conduct, the greatness of his sentiments, the frugality of his life, and the regularity of his manners, which rendered him invincible and incorruptible by money. Timolaus was so astonished at all he saw, that he did not dare so much as to mention to Philopomen the present he had come to offer him; so that, giving some other pretence to his journey, he returned as he came. Timolaus was sent again, but was not more successful than before. At last, going a third time, he ventured, but with great pain to himself, to acquaint Philopomen with the good will of the Spartans.

Philopoemen heard him with great tranquillity; but the instant he had done speaking, he went to Sparta, where, after expressing the highest gratitude to

Plut. in Philop. p. 364, 865.

the Spartans, he advised them not to lay out their money in bribing and corrupting such of their friends as were men of probity, because they might always enjoy the benefit of their virtue and wisdom without expense to them; but to keep their gold to purchase and corrupt the wicked, and those who, in councils, perplexed and divided the city by their seditious discourses; that, being paid for their silence, they might not occasion so many distractions in the government. "For it is much more adviseable," added he, "to stop the mouth of an enemy, than that of a friend.” Such was the disinterestedness of Philopomen. Let the reader compare these great and noble sentiments with the baseness of those grovelling wretches, whose whole study is to heap up riches.

Thoas had repaired to the court of Antiochus, and by the mighty promises he made that prince, by all he told him concerning the present state of Greece, and especially by the resolutions which had been taken in the general assembly of the Etolians, he determined him to set out immediately for that country. He went with such precipitation, that he did not give himself time to concert the necessary measures for so important a war, nor carry with him a sufficient number of troops. He left behind him Lampsacus, Troas, and Smyrna, three powerful cities, which he ought to have reduced before he declared war; but Antiochus, without waiting for the troops that were marching to join him from Syria and the east, brought only ten thousand foot and five hundred horse. These troops would hardly have sufficed, had his object only been to possess himself of a naked and defenceless country, without being opposed by so formidable an enemy as the Romans.

He arrived first at Demetrias; and from thence, after receiving the decree which had been sent by the Etolians and their ambassador, he went to Lamia, where their assembly was held. He was received there with the highest demonstrations of joy. He began with apologizing for having brought with him fewer troops than they had expected; insinuating that his expedition was a proof of the zeal he had for their interest, since, at the first signal they gave him, he set out, notwithstanding the inclemency of the season, and without waiting till all things were ready; but that their expectations should soon be answered: that as soon as the season for navigation should arrive, they should see all Greece filled with arms, men, and horses, and all the seacoast covered with galleys: that he would spare neither expense, nor application, nor be deterred by danger, in the deliverance of Greece, and in acquiring for the Etolians the first rank: that with his numerous armies, there would arrive from Asia, munitions of every kind: that all he desired of them was, only to provide his troops with whatever might be necessary for their present subsistence. Having ended his speech, he withdrew.

The most judicious in the assembly saw plainly that Antiochus, instead of a real and present succour, as he had promised, gave them little more than hopes and promises. They could have wished that they had only chosen him arbiter and mediator between them and the Romans, and not leader of the war. But, Thoas having gained a majority, caused Antiochus to be nominated generalissimo. Thirty of their principal men were appointed for his council, whenever he should think proper to deliberate with them.

SECTION VI.-ANTIOCHUS POSSESSES HIMSELF OF CHALCIS AND ALL EUBA.

THE ROMANS PROCLAIM WAR AGAINST HIM.

THE first subject on which the king and the Etolians deliberated was, what enterprise they should first undertake. It was thought adviseable to make a second attempt on Chalcis; and thereupon the troops set out for that city without loss of time. When they were near it, the king permitted the principal Etolians to have a conference with such citizens of Chalcis as came

* Liv. I. xxxv. n. 43-45,

forth on their arrival. The Etolians urged them in the strongest terms to conclude an alliance with Antiochus, but without breaking their treaty with the Romans. They declared, that this prince was come into Greece, not to make it the seat of war, but actually to deliver it, and not merely in words, as the Romans had done: that nothing could be of greater advantage to the cities of Greece, than to live in amity with both, because the one would always defend them against the other, and by this means they would hold both in respect that they would do well to consider, in case they should not agree to the proposal now made them, the great danger to which they would expose themselves; as the aid they might expect from the Romans was at a great distance, whereas the king was present, and at their gates.*

Miction, one of the principal citizens of Chalcis, replied, that he could not imagine what people it was that Antiochus came to deliver, and for whose sake he had left his kingdom, and come into Greece: that he knew of no city garrisoned by Roman soldiers, nor that paid the least tribute to the Romans, or complained of being oppressed by them: that as for the inhabitants of Chalcis, they had no occasion for a deliverer, as they were free; nor of a defender, as they enjoyed the sweets of peace, under the protection, and with the amity of the Romans: that they did not refuse the amity either of the king or of the Etolians; but that, if they would show themselves friends, the first thing they were desired to do was, to leave their island: that they were fully determined, neither to admit them into their city, nor to make any alliance with them but in concert with the Romans.

This answer was reported to the king. As he had brought but few troops, and was not able to force the city, he resolved to return to Demetrias. So imprudent and ill-concerted a step at the commencement, did him no honour, and gave them little to hope in regard to the future.

They had recourse elsewhere, and endeavoured to bring over the Achæans and Athamanians. The former gave audience to the ambassadors of Antiochus, and those of the Etolians at Ægæ, where their assembly was held, in presence of Quintius, the Roman general.

The ambassador of Antiochus spoke first. He was a vain man, as those generally are who live in courts, and at the expense of princes; and fancying himself a great orator, he spoke with an absolute and emphatical tone of voice. He told them, that a great body of cavalry was passing the Hellespont into Europe, consisting partly of cuirassiers, and partly of bowmen, who, even when they were flying on horseback, turned about, and discharged their arrows with the surest aim. To this cavalry, which, according to him, were alone superior to the united forces of Europe, he added a more numerous infantry: the Dahæ, the Medes, the Elymæans, the Caddusians, and many other terrible unknown nations. With regard to the fleet, he affirmed that it would be so large, that no harbour of Greece could contain it; the right wing to be composed of Tyrians and Sidonians; the left of Arcadians and the Sidetes of Pamphylia; nations, who were universally allowed to be the best and most experienced mariners in the world: that it would be to no purpose to enumerate the immense sums which Antiochus was bringing with him; every one knowing, that the kingdoms of Asia had always abounded in gold; that they were to judge, in proportion, of the rest of the military preparations: that the Romans would not have to contend with a Philip or a Hannibal; the latter being only a citizen of Carthage, and the former confined within the narrow limits of Macedonia; but with a prince who was sovereign of all Asia and part of Europe: that, although he came from the most remote parts of the east, merely to restore the liberty of Greece, he did not require any article from the Achæans, that should interfere with the fidelity they might ima

* A. M. 3813. Ant. J. C. 191. Liv. 1. xxxv. n. 46-51. Appian. in Syr. p. 92, 93. Is, ut plerique quos opes regia alunt, vaniloquus, maria terrasque inani sonitu verborum compleve

Fat-Liv.

gine they owed the Romans, their first friends and allies: that he did not desire them to unite their arms with his against the people in question, but only to remain neutral.

Archidamus, the Etolian ambassador, spoke to the same effect: adding, that the safest and wisest course the Achæans could take, would be, to remain spectators of the war, and to wait in peace for the event, without sharing in it, or incurring any hazard. Then, growing warmer as he went on, he threw out invectives and reproaches against the Romans in general, and against Quintius in particular. He called them an ungrateful people, who had forgot that they owed to the bravery of the Ætolians, not only the victory they had gained over Philip, but their general's life, and the safety of their army. For what, continued he, did Quintius do in this battle worthy a great captain? He declared, that he himself had observed him during the engagement wholly employed in consulting the auspices, in sacrificing victims, and offering up Vows, like an augur or a priest, while he was exposing his person and life to the enemy's darts, for his defence and preservation.

To this Quintius answered, that it was plain which party Archidamus had studied to please by this speech; that knowing the Achæans were perfectly acquainted with the disposition and character of the Etolians, whose courage consisted solely in words, not in actions, he had not endeavoured to gain their esteem; but had studied to ingratiate himself with the king's ambassadors, and, by their means, with the king himself; that if the world had not known till know, what it was that formed the alliance between Antiochus and the Etolians, the speeches made by the ambassadors showed it clearly; that on both sides, nothing but boasting and falsehood had been employed; that, vaunting of troops they had not, they encouraged the vanity of each other by false promises and idle hopes; the Etolians asserting boldly on one side, as you have just now heard, that they had defeated Philip, and preserved the Romans, and that all the cities of Greece were ready to declare for Ætolia; and the king, on the other side, affirming, that he was going to bring into the field innumerable bodies of horse and foot, and to cover the sea with his fleets. "This," said he," puts me in mind of an entertainment given me in Chalcis, by a friend of mine, a very worthy man, who treated his guests in the best manner. Surprised at the number and variety of dishes that were served up, we asked him how it was possible for him, in the month of June, to get together so great a quantity of game. My friend, who was not vain-glorious like these people, only laughed, and openly acknowledged, that what we took for venison, was no other than swine's flesh, seasoned several ways, and dressed with different sauces. The same may be said of the king's troops, which have been so highly extolled, and whose number has been vainly multiplied in high sounding words. For these Dahæ, Medes, Caddusians, and Elymæans, all form but one nation, and a nation of slaves rather than soldiers. Why may not I, Achæans, represent to you all the motions and expeditions of this great king, who one moment hurries to the assembly of the Etolians, there to beg for provisions and money; and the next, goes in person to the very gates of Chalcis, from which he is obliged to retire with ignominy. Antiochus has very injudiciously given credit to the Etolians; and they, with as little judgment, have believed Antiochus. This ought to teach you, not to suffer yourselves to be imposed upon, but to rely upon the faith of the Romans which you have so often experienced. I am surprised they can venture to tell you, that it will be safest for you to stand neutral, and to remain only spectators of the war. That would, indeed, be a sure method, in my opinion, to become the prey of the victor."

The Achæans did not occupy a long time, nor were they divided in their deliberations, and the result was, that they should declare war against Antiochus and the Etolians. Immediately at the request of Quintius, they sent five hundred men to the aid of Chalcis, and the like number to Athens.

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