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without knowing or being apprized of it. This was the prophecy of Jacob, who at his death foretold to his twelve sons, assembled round his bed, what would happen in the series of time to the twelve tribes, of which they were the chiefs, and after whom they were called. Among the other predictions of that patriarch concerning the tribe of Judah, there is this of which we now speak: The sceptre shall not depart from Judah, nor a lawgiver from between his feet, until Shiloh come; and unto him shall the gathering of the people be." The sceptre or rod (for the Hebrew signifies both) implies here the authority and superiority over the other tribes.

All the ancient Jews have explained this prediction to denote the Messiah; the fact is therefore incontestible, and is reduced to two essential points. The first is, that as long as the tribe of Judah shall exist, it shall have pre-eminence and authority over the other tribes; the second, that it shall exist, and form a republic, governed by its laws and magistrates, till the Messiah comes. The first point is verified in the series of the history of the Israelites, wherein that pre-eminence of the tribe of Judah evidently appears.

For the second point, we have only to consider it with a little attention. When Herod, the Idumæan, and, in consequence a stranger, was placed on the throne, the authority and superiority which the tribe of Judah had over the other tribes, were first taken from it. The tribe of Judah had no longer the supremacy it no longer existed as a distinct body, from which the magistrates were taken. It was manifest, therefore, that the Messiah was come. But at what time did that tribe become like the rest, and confounded with them? In the times of Titus Vespasian, and Adrian, who finally exterminated the remains of Judah. It was therefore before those times the Messiah came. How wonderful does God appear in the accomplishment of his prophecies! Would it be making a right use of history, not to dwell a few moments upon facts like this, when we meet them in the course of our matter? Herod, reduced to quit Jerusalem, takes refuge at Rome. He has no thoughts of demanding the sovereignty for himself, but for another. It was the grossest injustice to give it to a stranger, while there were princes of the royal family in being. But it had been decreed from all eternity, that Herod should be king of the Jews. Heaven and earth should sooner pass away, than that decree of God not be fulfilled. Antony was at Rome, and in possession of sovereign power, when Herod arrived there. How many events were necessary to the conducting of things to this point! But is there any thing difficult to the Almighty?

ARTICLE II.

ABRIDGMENT OF THE HISTORY OF THE PARTHIANS.

THE Parthian empire was one of the most powerful and most considerable that ever was in the east. Very weak in its beginnings, as is common, it extended itself by little and little over all Asia Major, and made even the Romans tremble. Its duration is generally allowed to be four hundred and seventy-four years; of which two hundred and fifty-four were before Jesus Christ, and two hundred and twenty after him. Arsaces was the founder of that empire, from whom all his successors were called Arsacides. Artaxerxes, by birth a Persian, having overcome and slain Artabanus, the last of those kings, transferred the empire of the Parthians to the Persians, in the fifth year of the emperor Alexander, the son of Mammæus. I shall only speak here of the affairs of the Parthians before Jesus Christ, and shall treat them very briefly, except the defeat of Crassus, which I shall relate in all its extent.

I have observed elsewhere what gave Arsaces I. occasion to make Parthia revolt, and to expel the Macedonians, who had been in possession of it from the death of Alexander the Great, and in what manner he had caused himself

* Gen. xlix. 10

283

to be elected king of the Parthians. Theodotus at the same time made Bactria revolt, and took that province from Antiochus, surnamed Theos.*

Some time after, Seleucus Callinicus, who succeeded Antiochus, endeavoured in vain to subdue the Parthians. He fell into their hands himself, and was made prisoner: this happened in the reign of Tridates, otherwise called Arsaces II. brother of the first.

Antiochus, surnamed the Great, was more successful than his predecessor. He marched into the east, and repossessed himself of Media, which the Parthians had taken from him. He also entered Parthia, and obliged the king to retire into Hyrcania, from whence he returned soon after with an army of one hundred thousand foot, and twenty thousand horse. As the war was of tedious duration, Antiochus made a treaty with Arsaces, by which he left him Parthia and Hyrcania, upon condition that he should assist him in conquering the revolted provinces.§ Antiochus marched afterwards against Euthydemus king of Bactria, with whom he was also obliged to come to an accommodation.

Priapatius, the son of Arsaces II. succeeded his father, and, after having reigned fifteen years, left the crown at his death to Phraates I. his eldest son. Phraates left it to Mithridates, whom he preferred before his own issue, on account of his extraordinary merit, and who was in effect one of the greatest kings the Parthians ever had. He carried his arms farther than Alexander the Great. It was he who made Demetrius Nicator prisoner.¶

Phraates II. succeeded Mithridates his father. Antiochus Sidetes, king of Syria, ma ched against him at the head of a powerful army, under pretext of delivering his brother Demetrius, who had been long kept in captivity. After having defeated Phraates in three battles, he was himself overthrown and killed in the last, and his army entirely cut to pieces. Phraates, in his turn, at the time he had formed his design of invading Syria, was attacked by the Scythians, and lost his life in a battle.**

Artabanus his uncle reigned in his stead, and died soon after.ft

His successor was Mithridates II. of whom Justin says, that his great actions acquired him the surname of Great.‡‡

He declared war against the Armenians, and by a treaty of peace, which he made with them, he obliged their king to send him his son Tigranes as a hostage. The latter was afterwards set upon the throne of Armenia by the Parthians themselves, and joined with Mithridates king of Pontus, in the war against the Romans.§§

Antiochus Eusebes took refuge with Mithridates, who re-established him in the possession of part of the kingdom of Syria for two years after.

It was the same Mithridates, as we shall see hereafter, who sent Orobazus to Sylla, to demand the amity and alliance of the Romans, and who caused him to be put to death on his return, for having given place to Sylla.¶¶

Demetrius Eucerus, who reigned at Damascus, besieging Philip his brother in the city of Bærea, was defeated and taken by the Parthian troops sent to the aid of Philip, and carried prisoner to Mithridates, who treated him with all the honours possible. He died there of disease.*t

Mithridates II. died, after having reigned forty years, universally regretted by his subjects. The domestic troubles with which his death was followed, considerably weakened the Parthian empire, and made his loss still more sensibly felt. Tigranes re-entered upon all the provinces he had given up to the Parthians, and took several others from them. He passed the Euphrates, and made himself master of Syria and Phoenicia.*‡

A. M. 3754. Ant. J. C. 250.

† A. M. 3768. Ant. J. C. 236.

A. M. 3792. Ant. J. C. 212. The Abbe Longuezue, in his Latin dissertation upon the Arsacides, ascribes what is here said to Artabanus, whom he places between Arsaces II. and Priapatius. Justin says nothing of them. A. M. 3798. Ant. J. C. 206 TA. M. 3840. Ant. J. C. 164. ††A. M. 3975. Ant. J. C. 129.

Ul A. M. 3912.

** A. M. 3915.

Justin. p. 115.

** A. M. 3873. Ant. J. C. 131.
A. M. 3902. Justin. 1. xviii. c. 3.
TT A. M. 3914. Ant. J. C. 90.
A. M. 3915. Ant. J. C. 89. Joseph. Antiq. xiii. 22.
Ant. J. C. 89. Strab. 1. xi. p. 532. Plut. in Lucul. p. 500, &c.

During these troubles, the Parthians elected Mnaskires, and after him Si natrocces, kings, of whom little more is known than their names.

Phraates, the son of the latter, was he who caused himself to be surnamed, The God. He sent ambassadors to Lucullus, after the great victory the Ro mans had obtained over Tigranes. He held at the same time secret intelligence with the latter. It was at that time Mithridates wrote him the letter which Sallust has preserved.*

Pompey having been appointed, in the place of Lucullus, to terminate the war against Mithridates, engaged Phraates in the party of the Romans.† The latter joined Tigranes the younger against his father, and separated from Pompey.

After Pompey's return to Rome, Phraates was killed by his own children. Mithridates, his eldest son, succeeded him.

Tigranes, king of Armenia, died about the same time. Artavasdes, his son, succeeded him.t

Mithridates, expelled from his kingdom, either by his own subjects, to whom he had rendered himself odious, or by the ambition of his brother Orodes, applied to Gabinius, who commanded in Syria, to re-establish him upon the thione; but without effect.§ He took up arms in his own defence. Besieged in Babylon, and warmly pressed, he surrendered to Orodes, who, considering him only as an enemy, and not a brother, caused him to be put to death; by which means Orodes became peaceable possessor of the throne.[

But he found enough to employ him abroad, that he had no reason to expect. Crassus had lately been created consul at Rome, with Pompey, for the second time. On the partition of the provinces, Syria fell to Crassus, who was exceedingly rejoiced on that account, because it favoured the design he had formed of carrying the war into Parthia. When he was in company, even with people he scarcely knew, he could not moderate his transports. Among his friends, with whom he was under less restraint, he ran even into an extravagance unworthy of his age and character, and seemed to forget himself in a strange manner. He did not confine his views to the government of Syria, nor to the conquest of some neighbouring provinces, nor even to that of Parthia; he flattered himself with doing such things as should make the great exploits of Lucullus against Tigranes, and those of Pompey against Mithridates, appear like the feats of infants in comparison with his. He had already overrun, in thought, Bactria and the Indies, and penetrated as far as the remotest seas, and the extremities of the east. However, in the instructions and powers which were given him, Parthia was in no manner included; but all the world knew his design against it was his darling passion. Such a beginning forebodes no success.

His departure had, besides, something more inauspicious in it. One of the tribunes, named Ateius, threatened to oppose his going; and was joined by many people, who could not suffer him to set out with gayety of heart, to carry a war against a people who had done the Romans no injury, and were their friends and allies. That tribune, having in vain opposed the departure of Crassus, made haste to the gate of the city through which he was to pass, and set a cauldron full of fire before him. When Crassus came to the place, he threw perfumes, and poured libations into the pan, uttering over them the most terrible imprecations, which could not be heard without making all present tremble with horror, and of which the misfortunes of Crassus have been regarded by many writers as the accomplishment.

Nothing could stop him. Superior to all opposition, he continued his march, arrived at Brundusium, and though the sea was very tempestuous, embarked, and lost many ships in his passage. When he arrived at Galatia, he had an interview with king Dejotarus, who, though of a very advanced age, was at

A. M. 3935. Ant. J. C. 69.

Justin. 1. xlii. c. 4.
TA. M. 3950.

†A. M. 3938.
Ant. J. C. 54.

Ant. J. C. 66.

A. M. 3948. Ant. J. C. 56.
A. M. 3949. Ant. J. C. 55.
Plut. in Crass. p. 552-554.

that time employed in building a new city. Upon which Crassus rallied him in these words: "King of the Galatians, you begin full late to build a city at the twelfth hour of the day."*"And you, lord Crassus," replied Dejota"are not too early in setting out to make war against the Parthians." For Crassus was at that time upwards of sixty years old; and his countepanc made him look still older than he was.

rus,

He had been informed, that there were considerable treasures in the temple of Jerusalem, which Pompey had not ventured to touch. He believed it worth his trouble to go a little out of his way, to make himself master of them. He therefore marched thither with his army. Besides the other riches, which amounted to very considerable sums, there was a beam of gold, enclosed and concealed in another of wood, made hollow for that purpose: this was known only by Eleazar the priest, who kept the treasures of the sanctuary. This beam of gold weighed three hundred minæ, each of which weighed two pounds and a half. Eleazar, who was apprized of the motive of his march to Jerusalem, to save the other riches, which were almost all of them deposited in the temple by private persons, discovered the golden beam to Crassus, and suffered him to take it away, after having made him take an oath not to meddle with the rest. Was he so ignorant as to imagine any thing sacred with avarice? Crassus took the beam of gold, and, notwithstanding, made the rest of the treasures his plunder. He then continued his march.

Every thing succeeded at first as happily as he could have expected. He built a bridge over the Euphrates without any opposition, passed it with his army, and entered the Parthian territories. He invaded them without any other real motive for the war, than the insatiable desire of enriching himself by the plunder of a country which was supposed to be extremely opulent. The Romans under Sylla, and afterwards under Pompey, had made peace, and several treaties with them. There had been no complaint of any infraction or enterprise to give a just pretext for a war: so that the Parthians had not expected such an invasion; and, not being upon their guard, had made no preparations for their defence. Crassus in consequence was master of the field, and overran, without opposition, the greatest part of Mesopotamia. He also took several cities without resistance; and had he known how to take advantage of the occasion, it would have been easy for him to have penetrated as far as Seleucia and Ctesiphon, seized them, and made himself master of all Babylonia, as he had done of Mesopotamia. But, instead of pursuing his point, in the beginning of autumn, after having left seven thousand foot and one thousand horse to secure the cities which had surrendered to him, he repassed the Euphrates, and put his troops into winter quarters in the cities of Syria, where his sole employment was to amass money, and to plunder temples. He was joined there by his son, whom Cæsar sent to him out of Gaul, a young man who had already been honoured with several of the military crowns given by the general to such as distinguished themselves by their valour. He brought with him one thousand chosen horse.

Of all the faults committed by Crassus in this expedition, which were very considerable, the greatest, undoubtedly, after that of having undertaken this war, was his hasty return into Syria, for he should have gone on without delay, and have seized Babylon and Seleucia, cities always at enmity with the Parthians, instead of giving his enemies time to make preparations by his retreat, which was the cause of his ruin.

While he was reassembling all his troops from their winter quarters, ambassadors from the king of Parthia arrived, who opened their commissions in a few words. They told him, that if that army was sent by the Romans against the Parthians, the war could not be terminated by any treaty of peace, and could only be brought to a conclusion by the final ruin of the one or the

The twelfth hour was the end of the day.

Joseph. Antiq. xiv. 12

286

other empire. That if, as they had been informed, it was only Crassus, who, against the opinion of his country, and to satiate his private avarice, had taken arms against them, and entered one of their provinces, the king their master was well disposed to act with moderation in the affair, to take pity on the age of Crassus, and to suffer the Romans in his dominions, rather shut up than keeping possession of cities, to depart with their lives and rings safe. They spoke, no doubt, of the garrisons left by Crassus in the conquered places. Crassus answered this discourse only with a boast. He told them, "they should have his answer in the city of Seleucia." Upon which the most ancient of the ambassadors, named Vahises, made answer, laughing, and showing him the palm of his hand: "Crassus, you will sooner see hair grow in the palm of my hand, than see Seleucia." The ambassadors retired, and went to give their king notice that he must prepare for war.

As soon as the season would permit, Crassus took the field. The Parthi ans had time, during the winter, to assemble a very great army, to oppose him.* Orodes their king divided his troops, and marched in person with one part of them to the frontiers of Armenia: he sent the other into Mesopotamia, under the command of Surena. That general, on his arrival there, retook several places which Crassus had made himself master of the year before. About the same time, some Roman soldiers, who, with exceeding difficulty had escaped out of the cities of Mesopotamia, where they had been in garrison, of which the Parthians had already retaken some, and were besieging the rest, came to Crassus, and related things to him highly capable of disquieting and alarming him. They told him, that they had seen with their own eyes the incredible numbers of the enemy, and that they had also been witnesses of their terrible valour, in the bloody attack of the cities they besieged. They added, that they were troops not to be escaped when they pursued, nor overtaken when they fled; that their arrows, of a weight, and at the same time of an astonishing rapidity, were always attended with mortal wounds, against which it was impossible to defend themselves.

This discourse infinitely abated the courage and boldness of the Roman soldiers, who imagined, that the Parthians differed in nothing from the Armenians and Cappadocians, whom Lucullus had so easily overthrown, and flattered themselves that the whole difficulty of the war would consist in the length of the way, and the pursuit of the enemy, who would never dare to come to blows with them. They now saw, contrary to their expectation, that they were to experience great battles and great dangers. This discouragement rose so high, that many of the principal officers were of opinion, that it was ne cessary for Crassus, before he advanced farther, to assemble a council, in order to deliberate again upon the whole enterprise. But Crassus listened to the advice of none but those who pressed him to begin his march, and to make all possible expedition.

these

What encouraged him the most, and confirmed him in that resolution, was the arrival of Artabazus, king of Armenia. He brought with him body of six hundred horse, which were part of his guard; adding, that be he had ten thousand cuirassiers, and thirty thousand foot, at his service. But he advised him to take great care not to march his army into the plains of Mesopotamia, and told him, that he must enter the enemy's country by Armenia. The reasons with which he supported this advice were, that Armenia, being a mountainous country, the Parthian horse, in which the greatest strength of their army consisted, would be rendered entirely useless to them; that if they took this route, he should be in a condition to supply the army with all necessaries; instead of which, if he marched by the way of Mesopotamia, convoys would be deficient, and he would have a powerful army in his front, in all the marches it would be necessary for him to take, before be

A. M. 3951. Ant. J. C. 52. Plut. in Crass. p. 554.

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