and halted at Tempe, that he might be the better able to succour such cities as should be besieged.

The consul marched by Epirus, but did not lay waste the country, although he knew that all persons of the greatest distinction in it, Charops excepted, had opposed the Romans. But, as they submitted with great cheerfulness, he had a greater regard to their present disposition, than to their past fault: a conduct that won him entirely the hearts of the Epirots. From thence he marched into Thessaly. The Etolians and Athamanians had already taken several cities in that country; and he took the most considerable of them. Artax, a city he besieged, detained him a long time, and made so resolute a defence, that he was at last forced to leave it.

In the mean time, the Roman fleet, reinforced by those of Attalus and the Rhodians, was also active. They took two of the chief cities of Euboea, Eretria and Cariste, garrisoned by Macedonians; after which, the three fleets advanced toward Cenchræa, a port of Corinth.*

The consul marching into Phocis, most of the cities surrendered voluntarily. Elatea was the only city that shut her gates against him; so that he was obliged to besiege it in form. While he was carrying on this siege, he meditated an important design, which was, to induce the Achæans to abandon Philip, and join the Romans. The three united fleets were on the point of laying siege to Corinth; before he began it, however, he thought proper to offer the Achæans to make Corinth enter again into their league, and to deliver it up to them, provided they would declare for the Romans. Ambassadors, sent in the consul's name by Lucius, his brother, and in the name of Attalus, the Rhodians, and the Athenians, carried this message. The Achæans gave them audience in Sicyon.

The Achæans were very much at loss in regard to what resolution it was necessary to take. The power of the Lacedæmonians, their perpetual enemies, kept them in awe; and, on the other side, they were in still greater dread of the Romans. They had received, from time immemorial, and very lately, great favours from the Macedonians; but Philip was universally suspected on account of his perfidy and cruelty; and they were afraid of being enslaved by him, when the war should be terminated. Such was the disposítion of the Achæans. The Roman ambassador spoke first, and afterward those of Attalus, the Rhodians, and Philip; the Athenians were appointed to speak last, that they might refute what Philip's ambassador should advance. They spoke with the greatest virulency against the king, because no people had been so cruelly treated by him, and they gave a long detail of his injustice and cruelty in regard to them. These speeches occupied the whole day, so that the assembly adjourned till the morrow.

All the members being met, the herald, as was the custom, gave notice, in the name of the magistrates, that all those who intended to speak might begin. But no one rose up; and all, gazing upon one another, continued in a deep silence. Upon this, Aristenes, chief magistrate of the Achæans, in order that the assembly might not break up without doing business, spoke as follows: "What then is become of that warmth and vigour, with which you used to dispute, at your tables, and in your conversations, about Philip and the Romans, which generally rose to so great a height, that you were ready to cut one another's throats? And now, in an assembly summoned for no other purpose, after hearing the speeches and arguments on both sides, you are silent? Surely, if the love of your country cannot free your tongues, ought not the resolution which each of you has formed in private, either for or against Philip and the Romans, to oblige you to speak; especially as there is not one of you who does not know, that it will be too late after the resolution shall be once taken ?"

Liv. l. xxxii. n. 16-25.

These reproaches, though so judicious and reasonable, and made by the principal magistrate, could not prevail with any one of the members to give his opinion; nor even occasioned the least murmur, the least noise in this assembly, though very numerous, and composed of the representatives of so many states. All continued silent and motionless.

Aristenes spoke again to this effect: "Chiefs of the Achæans, I perceive plainly that you want courage more than counsel; since not one among you dares to speak his sentiments with regard to the common interest. Were I a private man, I possibly might act as you do; but being the chief magistrate of the Achæans, it is my opinion, either that the ambassadors should not have been allowed to assemble us, or that they should not be dismissed without some answer. How will it be possible for me to make any, unless you shall authorize me by a decree? But, since not one among you will, or dares speak his thoughts, let us suppose for a moment, that the speeches of the ambassadors which we heard yesterday, are so many counsels they give, not for their own interest, but solely for ours; and let us weigh them maturely. The Romans, the Rhodians, and Attalus, desire our friendship and alliance; and they request us to assist them in their war against Philip. On the other side, the latter puts us in mind of the treaty which we concluded with him, sealed and ratified by an oath; one moment he requires us to join with him, and the next he insists upon our observing a strict neutrality. Is no one among you surprised to hear those, who are not yet our allies, demand more than he who has long been a confederate? Doubtless, it is not either modesty in Philip, nor temerity in the Romans, which prompts them to act and speak as they do. This difference in their sentiments arises from the disparity of their strength and situation. My meaning is, we see nothing here belonging to Philip but his ambassadors; whereas the Roman fleet now lies at anchor near Cenchræa, laden with the spoils of Euboea; and the consul and his legions, who are but at a short distance from the fleet, lay waste Phocis and Locris with impunity. You are surprised that Cleomedon, Philip's ambassador, should have advised you, in so fearful and reserved a manner, to take up arms in favour of the king against the Romans. If, in consequence of the treaty in question, and of the oath on which he lays such stress, we should require Philip to defend us against Nabis, the Lacedæmonians, and the Romans, he would not have any answer to make; much less would he be able to give us any real succour. This we experienced last year, when, notwithstanding the express words of our alliance, and the mighty promises he made us, he suffered Nabis and the Lacedæmonians to ravage our lands without opposition. In my opinion, Cleomedon seemed evidently to contradict himself in every part of his speech. He spoke with contempt of the war against the Romans, pretending it would have the same success as that which they had already made with Philip. Why then does he implore our succour at a distance, and by an ambassador, instead of coming and defending us in person, we who are his ancient allies, against Nabis and the Romans? Why did he suffer Eretria and Cariste to be taken? Why has he abandoned so many cities of Thessaly, and every part of Phocis and Locris? Why does he suffer Elatea to be besieged at this instant? Was it a superior strength, was it fear, or his own will, that made him abandon the defiles of Epirus, and give up to the enemy those insuperable barriers, to go and conceal himself in the most remote part of his kingdom? If he has voluntarily abandoned so many allies to the mercy of the enemy, should he keep them from providing for their own safety? But, if he was actuated by fear, he ought to forgive the same weakness in us. If he has been forced to it, do you, O Cleomedon! believe, that it is possible for us Achæans to resist the Roman arms, to which the Macedonians have been obliged to submit? No comparison can be made between the past and the present war. The Romans, at that time employed in affairs of greater importance, gave their allies little or no aid. Now

they have put an end to the Punic war, which they sustained sixteen years in the centre of Italy, they do not send succours to the Etolians, but they themselves, at the head of their armies, invade Philip both by sea and land. Quintius, the third consul whom they have sent against him, having found him in a post which seemed inaccessible, did, nevertheless, force him from it, plundered his camp, pursued him to Thessaly, and took, almost in his sight, the strongest fortress belonging to his allies. I will take it for granted, that whatever the Athenian ambassador has advanced concerning the cruelty, the avarice, the excesses of Philip, is not true; that the crimes which he committed in Áttica do not any way affect us, any more than those he perpetrated in many other places against the gods, celestial, terrestrial, and infernal, that we even ought to bury in everlasting oblivion, the injuries we have suffered from him. In a word, if we suppose that we are not treating with Philip, but with Antigonus, a mild and just prince, and from whom we all have received the greatest services; would he make a demand like that of to-day, so evidently opposite to our safety and preservation? In case Nabis and his Lacedæmonians should come and invade us by land, and the Roman fleet by sea, will it be possible for the king to support us against such formidable enemies, or shall we be able to defend ourselves? Past transactions point out to us what we must expect hereafter. The medium which is proposed, of our remaining neutral, will inevitably render us a prey to the conqueror, who will not fail to attack us as cunning politicians, who waited for the event, before we would declare ourselves. Believe what I say, when I assure you there is no medium. We must either have the Romans for our friends or for our enemies; and they are come to us with a strong fleet, to offer us their friendship and their aid. To refuse so advantageous an offer, and slight so favourable an occasion, which will never return, would be the highest folly, and show that we run voluntarily on our own destruction."

This speech was followed by a great noise and murmuring throughout the whole assembly, some applauding it with joy, and others opposing it with violence. The magistrates, called demiurgi, were no less divided among themselves. Of these, who were ten in number, five declared that each of them would deliberate upon the affair in his assembly, and before his people; and the other five protested against it, upon pretence that the laws forbade both the magistrate to propose, and the assembly to pass, any decree contrary to the alliance concluded with Philip. This day was entirely spent in quarrels and tumultuous cries. There remained but one day more, on which the laws directed the assembly to terminate. The debates grew so warm, with regard to what was to be concluded in it, that fathers could scarcely forbear striking their sons. Memnon of Pallene was one of the five magistrates who refused to make the report. His father, whose name was Rhisiases, entreated and conjured him a long time, to let the Achæans provide for their own safety, and not expose them, by his obstinacy, to inevitable ruin. Finding his prayers would not avail, he swore that he would kill him with his own hands, if he did not come into his opinion, considering him, not as his son, but the enemy of his country. These terrible menaces, added to the weight of paternal authority, made such an impression on Memnon, that he at last acquiesced.

The next day, the majority in the assembly desiring to have the affair debated, and the people clearly manifesting what they wanted, the Dymæans, Megalopolitans, and some of the Argives, withdrew from the assembly be fore the decree passed; and no one took offence at this, because they had particular obligations to Philip, who also had lately done them very considerable services. Gratitude is a virtue common to all ages and nations, and ingratitude is abhorred every where. All the other states, when the votes were to be taken, confirmed immediately, by a decree, the alliance with Attalus and the Rhodians; and suspended the entire conclusion of that with the Romans,

till ambassadors should be sent to Rome, to obtain the ratification from the people, without which nothing could be concluded.

In the mean time, three ambassadors were sent to Quintius; and the whole army of the Achæans marched to Corinth, which Lucius, the consul's brother, had already besieged, having before taken Cenchraæ. They at first carried on the attack but very faintly, from the hopes that a quarrel would soon arise between the garrison and the inhabitants. Finding, however, that the city was quiet, the machines of war were advanced on all sides, and many assaults were made, which the besieged sustained with great vigour, and always repulsed the Romans. There was in Corinth a great number of Italian deserters, who, in case the city was taken, expected no quarter from the Romans, and therefore fought in despair. Philocles, one of Philip's captains, having thrown a fresh reinforcement into the city, and the Romans despairing to force it; Lucius at last acquiesced with the advice of Attalus, and the siege was accordingly raised. The Achæans being sent away, Attalus and the Romans returned on board the fleets. The former sailed to the Piræus, and the latter to Corcyra.

While the fleets besieged Corinth, T. Quintius, the consul, was employed in the siege of Elatea, where he was more successful; for, after the besieged had made a vigorous resistance, he took the city, and afterwards the citadel.

At the same time, such of the inhabitants of Argos as had declared for Philip, found means to deliver up their city to Philocles, one of the generals. Thus, notwithstanding the alliance which the Achæans had just before concluded with the Romans, Philip still possessed two of their strongest cities, Corinth and Argos.

SECTION III.—THE ETOLIANS AND NABIS DECLARE FOR THE ROMANS.

PHILIP DEFEATED, AND A PEACE CONCLUDED.

NEW consuls were appointed at Rome ; but as the slow progress which had been made in the affairs of Macedonia, was justly ascribed to the frequent changing of those who were charged with them, Flamininus was continued in his command, and recruits were sent him.*

The season being already advanced, Quintius had taken up his winter quarters in Phocis and Locris ; when Philip sent a herald to him to desire an interview. Quintius complied very readily, because he did not know what had been resolved upon at Rome, with regard to himself; and that a conference would give him the liberty, either to continue the war, in case he should be continued in the command, or dispose matters so as to bring about a peace, if a successor were appointed him. The time and place being agreed upon, both parties met. Philip was attended by several Macedonian noblemen, and Cycliadus, one of the chief of the Achæans, whom the people had banished a short time before. The Roman general was accompanied by Amynander, king of Athamania, and by all the deputies of the allies. After some disputes with regard to the ceremonial, Quintius made his proposals, and every one of the allies their demands. Philip answered them; and as he began to inveigh against the Etolians, Phineas, their magistrate, interrupted him with these words: "We are not assembled here merely about words; our business is, either to conquer sword in hand, or to submit to the most powerful." "A blind man may see that," replied Philip, ridiculing Phineas, whose sight was bad. Philip was very fond of jests, and could not refrain from them, even while treating on the most serious affairs; a behaviour very unbecoming a prince.

This first interview being spent in contests, they met again the next day. Philip came very late to the place of meeting, which it was believed he did

A. M. 3807. Ant. J. C. 197. Liv. 1. xxxii. n. 27 et 28.

† Liv. 1. xxxi. n. 32-37. Polyb. 1. xvii. p. 742-752. Plut. in Flamin. p. 371. Erat dicatior natura quam regem decet, et ne inter seria quidem risu satis temperans.-Liv.

purposely, in order that the Etolians and Achæans might not have sufficient time for answering him. He had a private conference with Quintius, who having acquainted the confederates with his proposals, not one approved them; and they were on the point of breaking off the conference, when Philip desired that the decision might be suspended till the next day; promising that he himself would comply, in case it were not in his power to bring them into his opinion. At their next meeting, he earnestly entreated Quintius and the allies not to oppose a peace; promising, either to agree to it on the conditions which he himself should prescribe, or accept of such as the senate might require. They could not refuse so reasonable a demand; and accordingly a truce was agreed to, but on condition, that his troops should immediately leave Phocis and Locris. After this, the several parties sent ambassadors to Rome.

When they arrived, those of the allies were heard first. They inveighed heavily against Philip on several accounts; but they endeavoured particularly to prove, by the situation of the places, that in case he should continue possessed of Demetrias in Thessaly, Chalcis in Euboea, and Corinth in Achaia, cities which he himself justly, though insolently, called the shackles of Greece, it would be impossible for that country to enjoy its liberty. The king's ambassadors were afterwards called in. As they opened with a subject that would have been protracted to a great length, they were interrupted, and asked at once, whether they would give up the three cities in question? Having answered, that no orders or instructions had been given them on that head, they were sent back, without being gratified in a single demand. It was left to the option of Quintius, either to conclude a peace or carry on the war. By this he perceived that the senate would not be dissatisfied at the latter; and he himself was, much better pleased to put an end to the war by a victory, than by a treaty of peace. He therefore would not agree to an interview with Philip; and sent to inform him, that hereafter he would never agree to any proposals he might offer with regard to peace, if he did not engage, by way of preliminary, entirely to quit Greece.

Philip was now firmly resolved to make the necessary preparations for war. As it would be difficult for him to preserve the cities of Achæa, through their great distance from his hereditary dominions, he delivered up Argos to Nabis, tyrant of Sparta, but only as a trust, which he was to surrender back to him, in case he should be victorious in this war; but if things should fall out otherwise, he then was to possess it as his own. The tyrant accepting the conditions, he was brought in the night into the city. Immediately the houses and possessions of such of the chiefs as had fled were plundered; and those who remained, were robbed of all their gold and silver, and taxed in very heavy sums. Those who gave their money readily and cheerfully, were not molested; but such as were either suspected to conceal their riches, or discovered only part of them, were cruelly whipped with rods like so many slaves, and treated with the utmost indignity. Nabis having summoned the assembly, the first decree he enacted was for the abolition of debts; and the second, for dividing the lands equally among the citizens. This is the double bait generally hung out, to win the affections of the common people, and exasperate them against the rich.*

The tyrant soon forgot from whom, and on what condition, he held the city. He sent ambassadors to Quintius and to Attalus, to acquaint them that he was master of Argos; and to invite them to an interview, in which he hoped that they would agree, without difficulty, to such conditions of a treaty as he was desirous of concluding with them. His proposal was accepted; in consequence of which the proconsul and the king had an interview with him near Argos; a step which seemed very unbecoming in both. In this meeting, the Romans insisted that Nabis should furnish them with troops, and *Liv. 1. iii. n. 38-40. Plut. in Flamin. P. 372.