BOOK NINETEENTH. ees THE HISTORY OF ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS, CONTINUED. PLAN. THIS Book contains three articles. In the first, the history of Perseus, the last king of Macedonia, is related; he reigned eleven years, and was dethroned in the year of the world 3336. The second article goes on from the defeat of Perseus to the ruin of Corinth, which was taken and burned in the year of the world 3858, and includes something more than twenty-one years. The third article contains the history of Syria and that of Egypt, which are generally united. That of Syria continued almost one hundred years from Antiochus Eupator, son of Antiochus Epiphanes, to Antiochus Asiaticus, under whom Syria became a province of the Roman empire; that is to say, from the year of the world 3840 to 3939. The history of Egypt includes also one hundred years, from the twentieth year of Ptolemæus Philometer, till the expulsion of Ptolemæus Auletes, that is, from the year of the world 3845 to the year 3946. ARTICLE I. THIS article embraces eleven years, being the whole reign of Persius, the last king of Macedonia, from the year of the world 3826 to 3837. SECTION I.—PERSEUS PREPARES FOR WAR AGAINST THE ROMANS. HE ENDEAVOURS A RECONCILIATION WITH THE ACHEANS. THE death of Philip happened very opportunely for suspending the war against the Romans, and giving them time to prepare for it.* That prince had formed a strange design, and had already begun to put it in execution, which was to bring a considerable body of troops, both horse and foot, from European Sarmatia, part of Poland. Some Gauls had settled near the mouths of the Borysthenes, now called the Nieper, and had taken the name of Bastarnæ. That people were neither accustomed to till the earth, to feed cattle, nor to follow commerce; they lived by war, and sold their services to any people who would employ them. After having passed the Danube, Philip was to have settled them upon the lands of the Dardanians, whom he had resolved utterly to exterminate; because, being very near neighbours of Macedonia, they never failed taking every favourable occasion for making irruptions into it. The Bastarna were to leave their wives and children in this new settlement, and to march into Italy, in order to enrich themselves with the booty they were in hopes of making there. Whatever the success might be, Philip conceived he should find great advantages in it; if the Bastarnæ were conquered by the Romans, he should easily be consoled for their defeat, in seeing himself delivered from the Dardanians by their means; and if their irruption into Italy succeeded, while the Romans were employed in repulsing these new enemies, he should have time to recover all he had lost in Greece. The Bastarna were already upon their march, and were considerably advanced, when they received advice of Philip's death. This news, and several accidents that befel them, suspended their first design, and they dispersed into different parts. A. M. 3826. Ant. J. C. 178. Liv. 1. xl. n. 57, 58. Oros. 1. iv. c. 20. Antigonus, whom Philip intended for his successor, had been employed against his will in negotiating this affair. At his return, Perseus put him to death and to assure himself the better of the throne, sent ambassadors to the Romans to demand, that they would renew with him the alliance they had made with his father, and that the senate would acknowledge him king. His sole intent was to gain time. Part of the Bastarnæ had pursued their route, and were actually at war with the Dardanians.* The Romans took umbrage at it. Perseus excused himself by his ambassadors, and represented that he had not sent for them, and had no share in their enterprise. The senate, without making any farther inquiry into the affair, contented themselves with advising him to take care that he served inviolably the treaty made with the Romans. The Bastarnæ, after having gained some advantages at first, were at length reduced, the greatest part of them at least, to return to their own country. It is said, that having found the Danube frozen over, in endeavouring to pass it, the ice broke under them, and a great number of them perished in the river. It was known at Rome that Perseus had sent ambassadors to Carthage, and that the senate had given them audience in the night, in the temple of Esculapius. It was thought proper to send ambassadors into Macedonia, to observe the conduct of that prince. He had lately reduced the Dolopians, who refused to obey him, by force of arms. After that expedition, he advanced toward Delphos, under pretence of consulting the oracle, but in reality, as it was believed, to make the tour of Greece, and negotiate alliances. This journey, at first, alarmed the whole country, and occasioned so general a consternation, that even Eumenes did not think himself safe in Pergamus. But Perseus, as soon as he had consulted the oracle, returned to his own kingdom, passing through Phthiotis, Achaia, and Thessaly, without committing any hos tilities in his march. He afterwards sent either ambassadors or circular letters to all the states through which he had passed, to request that they would forget such subjects of discontent as they might have had under the reign of his father, which ought to be buried in his grave. His principal intention was to reconcile himself with the Achæans. Their league, and the city of Athens, had carried their hatred and resentment so high against the Macedonians, as to prohibit all commerce with them by a decree. This declared enmity gave the slaves, who fled from Achaia, the opportunity of retiring into Macedonia, where they found an assured asylum, and knew they should not be followed or claimed after that general interdiction. Perseus caused all these slaves to be seized, and sent them back to the Achæans, with an obliging letter, in which he exhorted them to take effectual means for preventing their slaves from making his dominions their refuge any longer. This was tacitly demanding the re-establishment of their ancient commerce. Xenarchus, who was at that time in office, and desired to make his court to the king, seconded his demand very strongly, and was supported by those who were most solicitous for recovering their slaves. Callicrates, one of the principal persons of the assembly, who was convinced that the safety of the league consisted in the inviolable observance of the treaty concluded with the Romans, represented, that a reconciliation with Macedonia was a direct infraction of it, while that kingdom was making preparations to declare war against Rome as soon as possible. He concluded, that it was necessary to leave things in their present condition, till time should explain whether their fears were just or not: that if Macedonia continued in peace with Rome, it would be time enough, when that appeared, to re-establish commerce with them; without which, a re-union would be precipitate and dangerous. * A. M. 3829. Ant. J. C. 175. Friensheim in Liv. Archon, the brother of Xenarchus, who spoke after Callicrates, did his utmost to prove, that such terrors were without foundation; that the question was not the making of a new treaty and alliance with Perseus, and much less to break with the Romans, but solely to reverse a decree for which the injustice of Philip might have given room, but which Perseus, who had no share in his father's conduct, was undoubtedly far from deserving. That that prince could not but be assured, that in case of war against the Romans, the league, would not fail to declare for them. "But," added he, " while the peace subsists, if animosities and dissentions are not made to cease entirely, it is at least reasonable to suspend them, and to sleep for a while." Nothing was concluded in this assembly. As it was taken amiss that the king had contented himself with only sending them a letter, he afterwards sent ambassadors to the assembly, which had been summoned to Megalopolis. But those who apprehended giving Rome offence, used such effectual means, that they were refused audience. The ambassadors, sent by the senate into Macedonia, reported, at their return, that they could not get access to the king, upon pretence that he was sometimes abroad, and sometimes indisposed; a double evasion equally false. That for the rest it appeared plainly, that great preparations were making for war, and that it was reasonable to expect it would speedily break out. They gave an account, also, of the state in which they found Ætolia; that it was in great commotion from domestic divisions, which the violence of two contending parties had carried into vast disorders; and that their authority had not been capable of reclaiming and appeasing the persons at the head of them.* As Rome expected the war with Macedonia, preparations were made for it by the religious ceremonies, which, among the Romans, always preceded a declaration of war; that is to say, by expiation of prodigies, and various sacrifices offered to the gods. Marcellus was one of the ambassadors whom the senate had sent into Greece. After having appeased as much as possible the troubles of Ætolia, he went into Peloponnesus, where he caused the assembly of the Achæans to be summoned. He extremely applauded their zeal, in having constantly adhered to the decree, which prohibited all commerce with the kings of Macedonia. This was an open declaration of what the Romans thought with regard to Perseus. That prince incessantly solicited the Grecian cities, by frequent embassies and magnificent promises, far exceeding his power to perform. They were sufficiently inclined in his favour, and rather more than in that of Eumenes, though the latter had rendered great services to most of those cities; and those of his own dominions would not have changed condition with such as were entirely free. There was, however, no comparison between the two princes, in point of character and manners. Perseus was utterly infamous for his crimes and cruelties. He was accused of having murdered his wife with his own hands, after the death of his father; of having despatched Apelles, whose aid he had used in destroying his brother; and of having committed many other murders, both within and without his kingdom. On the contrary, Eumenes had rendered himself amiable by his tenderness for his brothers and relations; by his justice in governing his subjects; and by his generous propensity to do good, and to serve others. Notwithstanding this difference of character, they gave Perseus the preference: whether the ancient grandeur of the Macedonian kings inspired them with contempt for a state, whose origin was wholly recent, and which they had seen take birth; or that the Greeks had some change in view; or because they were pleased with having some support in him to hold the Romans in respect. Perseus was particularly attentive in cultivating the amity of the Rhodians, and of separating them from the party of Rome. It was from Rhodes that * A. M. 3831. Ant. J. C. 173. Liv. 1. xlii. n. 2, 5, 6. Polyb. Legat. CC, 61. Laodice, the daughter of Seleucus, went to share the Macedonian throne with Perseus, in marrying him. The Rhodians had fitted him out as fine a fleet as could be imagined. Perseus had furnished the materials, and gave gold ribbons to every soldier and seaman who came with Laodice. A sentence passed by Rome, in favour of the Lycians against the people of Rhodes, had extremely exasperated the latter. Perseus endeavoured to take advantage of their resentment against Rome, to attach them to himself. The Romans were not ignorant of the measures taken by Perseus to bring over the states of Greece into his views. Eumenes came expressly to Rome, to inform them at large of his proceedings. He was received there with all possible marks of distinction. He declared, that besides his desire to pay his homage to the gods and men, to whom he owed an establishment which left him nothing to wish, he had undertaken this voyage expressly, to advise the senate in person to be upon their guard against the enterprises of Perseus. That that prince had inherited his father's hatred for the Romans, as well as his crown and omitted no preparations for a war, which he believed in a manner fallen to him in right of succession. That the long peace Macedonia had enjoyed supplied him with the means of raising numerous and formidable troops; that he had a rich and powerful kingdom; that he was himself in the flower of his youth, full of ardour for military expeditions, to which he had been early inured, in the sight, and under the conduct of his father, and had since much exercised himself in different enterprises against his neighbours. That he was highly considered by the cities of Greece and Asia, without seeming to have any sort of merit to support such credit, except his enmity for the Romans; that he was upon as good terms with powerful kings: that he had espoused the daughter of Seleucus, and given his sister in marriage to Prusias: that he had found means, to engage the Boeotians in his interest, a very warlike people, whom his father had never been able to bring over; and that, but for the opposition of a few persons well affected to the Romans, he had certainly renewed the alliance with the Achæan confederates; that it was to Perseus, the Etolians applied for aid in their domestic troubles, and not to the Romans: that, supported by these powerful allies, he made such preparations for war himself, as put him into a condition to dispense with any foreign aid: that he had thirty thousand foot, five thousand horse, and provisions for ten years that besides his immense annual revenues, from the mines, he had enough to pay ten thousand foreign troops for a like number of years, without reckoning those of his kingdom: that he had laid up in his arsenals a sufficient quantity of arms to equip three armies as great as that he had actually on foot; and that, though Macedonia should be incapable of supplying him with troops, Thrace was at his devotion, which was an inexhaustable nursery of soldiers. Eumenes added, that he advanced nothing upon the simple conjecture, but upon the certain knowledge of facts founded upon the best informa tion. "For the rest," said he, in concluding, "having discharged the duty which my regard and gratitude for the Roman people made indispensible, and delivered my conscience, it only remains for me to implore all the gods and goddesses, that they would inspire you with sentiments and measures consistent with the glory of your empire, and the preservation of your friends and allies, whose safety depends upon yours." The senators were much affected with this discourse. Nothing that passed in the senate, except what king Eumenes had spoken, was known abroad, or suffered to be made public at first; so inviolably were the deliberations of that august assembly kept secret. The ambassadors from king Perseus had audience some days after. They found the senate highly prejudiced against their master; and what Harpalus, one of them, said in his speech, inflamed them still more against him. It * A. M. 3832. Ant. J. C. 172. Liv. 1. xlii. n. 11-14. was, that Perseus desired to be believed upon his own word, when he declared he had neither done nor said any thing that argued an enemy. That, as for the rest, if he discovered that they were obstinately bent upon a rupture with him, he should know how to defend himself with valour; and that the fortune and events of war are always hazardous and uncertain. The cities of Greece and Asia, anxious for the effect which those embassies might produce at Rome, had also sent deputies thither under different pretexts, especially the Rhodians, who suspected that Eumenes had joined them in his accusation against Perseus, and were not deceived. In an audience granted them, they inveighed violently against Eumenes, reproaching him with having stirred up Lycia against the Rhodians, and of having rendered himself more insupportable to Asia, than Antiochus himself. This discourse was very agreeable to the Asiatic people, who secretly favoured Perseus, but very much displeased the senate, and had no other effect than to make them suspect the Rhodians, and hold Eumenes in higher consideration, from this kind of conspiracy which they saw formed against him. He was dismissed, in consequence, with the highest honours, and great presents. Harpalus, having returned into Macedonia with the utmost diligence, reported to Perseus, that he had left the Romans in a disposition not to defer long a declaration of war against him. The king was not displeased on that account, believing himself in a condition, with the great preparations he had made, to support it with success. He was more particularly rejoiced at a rupture with Eumenes, from whom he suspected that Rome had been apprized of his most secret measures, and began by declaring against him, not by the way of arms, but by that of the most criminal treachery. He despatched Evander of Crete, the general of his auxiliary forces, with three Macedonians, who had already been employed by him upon like occasions, to assassinate that prince. Perseus knew that he was preparing for a journey to Delphos, and directed his assassins to Praxo, a woman of condition, in whose house he had lodged when he was in that city. They lay in ambush in a narrow defile, where two men could not pass abreast. When the king came there, the assassins rolled two great stones down upon him, one of which fell upon his head, and laid him upon the earth without sense, and the other wounded him considerably in the shoulder; after which they threw a number of smaller stones upon him. All that were with him fled, except one, who staid to assist him. The assassins, believing the king dead, made off, to the top of mount Parnassus. His officers found him, when they returned, without motion, and almost without life. When he came a little to himself, he was carried to Corinth, and from thence into the island of Ægina, where great care was taken to cure his wounds, but with so much secrecy, that no one was admitted into his chamber; which gave reason to believe that he was dead. That report spread even to Asia. Attalus gave credit to it too soon for a good brother, and, looking upon himself already as king, was preparing to espouse the widow. Eumenes, at their first interview, could not forbear making him some gentle reproaches on that head, though he had at first resolved to dissemble his sense of his brother's imprudence.* Perseus had attempted, at the same time, to poison him by the means of Rammius, who had made a voyage into Macedonia. He was a rich citizen of Brundusium, who received in his house all the Roman generals, foreign lords, and even princes, who passed through that city. The King put into his hands a very subtile poison, to be given to Eumenes, when he should come to his house. Rammius did not dare to refuse this commission, whatever horror he had for it, lest the king should make a trial of the draught upon himself; but he set out with a full resolution not to execute it. Having been informed that Valerius was at Chalcis, upon his return from his embassy into Liv. 1. xlii. n. 15-19, |