cannot be transported without money, and much money cannot be had, without the aid of the enemies of slavery. It is therefore permitted to represent the Society as an antidote to slavery, as tending to effect its abolition, any thing in the constitution to the contrary notwithstanding. But then this abolition is to be brought about at some future indefinite period. True it is, that the constitution is as silent, with respect to manumission, as it is to slavery; but by common consent, this silence is not permitted to interpose the slightest obstacle to a unanimous, vigorous, and persevering opposition to present manumission. Were the American Bible Society to deprecate the emancipation of slaves, and to censure all who proposed it, the outrage would excite the indignation of the whole community. But what would be a perversion of its avowed object in a Bible Society, is perfectly lawful in a Colonization Society, not because it is authorized by the constitution, but because it is expedient to conciliate the slave holders. Many of the supporters of the Society are interested in the American slave trade*- -a trade replete with cruelty and injustice. To condemn this trade, or to labor for its suppression, would be unconstitutional. The African slave trade rather interferes with, than promotes the interests of the slave owners, and the Society deem it unnecessary to seek for any constitutional warrant to justify the most violent denunciation of the foreign traffic; or an application to foreign powers to declare it piratical.† To hold up the free blacks to the detestation of the community, is constitutional-to recommend them to the sympathy of Christians, to propose schools for their instruction, plans for encouraging their industry, and efforts for their moral and religious improvement, would be such a flagrant departure from the "exclusive" object of the Society, that no member has hitherto been rash enough to make the attempt. At the same time it is quite constitutional to vindicate the cruel laws which are crushing these people in the dust, and to show that the oppression they suffer is "an ordination of Providence." *The first President of the Society, was, as we shall see hereafter, no inconsiderable dealer. † See proceedings of Am. Col. Society of 20th January, 1827. The constitution indeed, forbids the transportation of the free blacks without "their consent;" but it is very constitutional to justify and encourage such oppression of them, as shall compel them to seek in the wilds of Africa, a refuge from American cruelty. The natural result of this compromise of principle, this suppression of truth, this sacrifice to unanimity, has been the adoption of expediency as the standard of right and wrong, in the place of the revealed will of God. Unmind ful of the poet's precept, Be virtuous ends pursued by virtuous means, good men, and good Christians, have been tempted by their zeal for the Society, to countenance opinions and practices inconsistent with justice and humanity. Confident that their motives were good, and their object important, they have been too little scrupulous of the means they employed; and hence the Society has actually exerted a demoralizing influence over its own members, by leading them occasionally to advance in its behalf opinions at variance with truth and Christianity. Unhappily the evil influence of the Society has not been confined to its own members. It has, to a lamentable extent, vitiated the moral sense of the community, by reconciling public opinion to the continuance of slavery, and by aggravating those sinful prejudices against the free blacks, which are subjecting them to insult and persecution, and denying them the blessings of education and religious instruction. We are sensible that these are grave assertions, and that many will deem them very extraordinary ones. The reader's belief is not solicited for them at present, nor will it be for any assertion hereafter made, till supported by unquestionable evidence. The remarks in this chapter are intended only as a general statement of the case against the Society, and as an explanation of the process by which many excellent men belonging to it, have insensibly been seduced into conduct of at least doubtful morality. The charges now made will in due time be substantiated by authentic facts, and by quotations from the language, both official and private, of members of the Society. True it is, that Colonizationists protest most earnestly against being judged by any but the official language of the Board of Managers. To the justice of this protest it is impossible to assent. The Society is arraigned at the bar of the public, not for the object avowed in the constitution, but for the influence it exerts in vindicating and prolonging slavery, and in augmenting the oppression of the free blacks. This influence, if exerted at all, must be exerted by individuals in the capacity of members, agents, and officers of the Society, and the only means they possess of exerting this influence, is by the expression of their sentiments. To insist, therefore, that these sentiments may not be quoted, to show what influence the Society does exert, is to contradict the plainest suggestions of common sense. Certainly the whole Society is not necessarily responsible for the sentiments of a single member; but the question is not, whether one or two or more members have said improper things, but whether the influence generally exerted by the Society, is what it is alleged to be; and this is a question of fact, to be decided by evidence, and that evidence necessarily consists of the opinions expressed by its officers, agents, and distinguished members, and auxiliary associations. This protest, moreover, comes with an ill grace from a Society that has appealed to the letters and the speeches of its members, to repel the objection urged against it in certain quarters, of a desire to interfere with the rights of slave-holders.* Should the members and officers of an AntiSlavery Society, continually, at its public meetings, deliver addresses in favour of intermarriages between whites and blacks should auxiliaries pass resolutions approving of such marriages-should these addresses and resolutions be published and circulated at the expense of the Society, and should its official magazine recommend such marriages. would it not be the excess of disingenuousness, for the Society to attempt to repel the charge that its influence was exerted to bring about an amalgamation of the two races, by denying that it was responsible for the language of its members, and by appealing to its constitution and *See Af. Rep. VI. 198. official reports, in which no allusion was made to the subject? All that can fairly be demanded, is that the quotations be honestly made, and that they be sufficiently numerous and explicit, to establish the facts they are brought to prove. It must not, however, be supposed, that we intend to prove our charges against the Society, only by the declarations of individual members. On the contrary, we shall summon as witnesses, the MANAGERS of the parent Society, and its auxiliaries; and shall exhibit in evidence their official reports and addresses. In the following pages will be found numerous extracts from Colonization documents; and it is right to observe, that they are for the most part, merely selections, and bearing generally but a small proportion to the whole number of extracts to the same point, that might have been adduced. Some few of the extracts have been made by other writers; but the great mass of them have been selected by the author, and in no instance has he given a quotation which he does not believe is fairly and honestly made. To prevent mistakes, it may be well to mention, that the African Repository is a monthly magazine, and is, as appears from the title page, "published by order of the Managers of the American Colonization Society." The Editor is understood to be the Secretary of the Society. This periodical, together with the annual reports, and occasional official addresses, are the only publications for which the managers of the Society are responsible: when Colonization newspapers are mentioned, nothing more is intended by the expression, than that they are papers which espouse the cause of the Society. CHAPTER II. INFLUENCE OF THE SOCIETY ON THE CONDITION OF FREE PERSONS OF COLOR. The object of the Society is declared by the Constitution, to be exclusively the colonization of free persons of color, with their own consent. Now there is nothing in this object necessarily benevolent. A colony may be established for commercial purposes, or as a military station, or as a receptacle for convicts, or to aid the diffusion of Christianity. The absence in the Constitution of all avowed motive for the proposed colony, invites the co-operation of all who advocate the scheme from any motive whatever. For the purpose of raising money, it is the policy of the Society to appeal to all the various and discordant motives that can be incited in behalf of the colony. A strong and very general prejudice exists against the free blacks. It is unfortunately the policy of the Society to aggravate this prejudice, since the more we abominate these people, the more willing we shall be to pay money for the purpose of getting rid of them. The influence of the doctrine of expediency on good men, will be seen in the unchristian language they have used, in regard to this unhappy and oppressed portion of their fellow-men. "Free blacks are a greater NUISANCE than even slaves themselves." Address of C. C. Harper, Af. Rep. II. 189. "A horde of miserable people—the objects of universal suspicion-subsisting by plunder." Speech of Gen. Mercer, Vice President. "Of all classes of our population, the most vicious is that of the free colored-contaminated themselves, they extend their vices to all around them." Speech of Mr. Clay, Vice President, 12th Report, p. 21. "Averse to labor, with no incentives to industry, or motives to respect, they maintain a precarious existence by petty thefts and plunder." African Rep. VI. 135. 66 They are alike injurious by their conduct and example to all other classes of society." Memorial of Manchester Col. Soc. to Virginia Legislature. "A large mass of human beings who hang as a vile excrescence upon society." Address of C. L. Mosby, before a Col. Soc. in Virginia. "This class of persons a CURSE AND CONTAGION wherever they reside." African Rep. III. 203. "Of all the descriptions of our population, and of either portion of the African race, the free persons of color are by far, as a class, the most corrupt, depraved and abandoned." Speech of Mr. Clay, African Rep. VI. 12. "An anomalous race of beings, the most depraved upon earth." African Rep. VII. 230. |