which I was once deeply interested. I have spoken and preached, and written and taken contributions in its behalf. I did not then understand the real nature and tendency of the scheme. I meant well in espousing it, but I now see my error and my sin; and though it was a sin of ignorance, I desire to repent of it." Almost daily do we hear of Colonizationists awaking as from a dream, and expressing their astonishment and regret at the delusion into which they had fallen. To the Christian members of the society, we would now address ourselves, and ask, have we not proved enough to induce you to pause, to examine, and to pray, before you longer lend your names, and contribute your funds to the purposes of Colonization? Do no secret misgivings of conscience now trouble you; and are you perfectly sure that in supporting the society, you are influenced by the precepts of the Gospel, and not by prejudice against an unhappy portion of the human family? If on a full investigation of the subject, you discover that Colonization is not what you believed and hoped it was, remember that it is your duty to obviate, as far as possible, by a frank and open declaration of your opinion, the evil your example has done. Be not ashamed, be not slow to follow Wilberforce in entering your protest against the society. If that society leads to the degradation and oppression of the poor colored man-if it resists every effort to free the slave-if it misleads the conscience of the slaveholder, you are bound, your God requires you to oppose it, not in secret, but before the world. Soon will you stand at the judgment seat of Christ; there will you meet the free negro, the slave, and the master-take care lest they all appear as witnesses against you. PART II. AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. CHAPTER I. Principles of the American Anti-Slavery Society. Character of American Slavery. THE principles professed by the American Anti-Slavery Society, are set forth in the following articles of its Constitution, viz : ARTICLE 2. The objects of this Society are the entire abolition of slavery in the United States. While it admits that each State, in which slavery exists, has, by the Consti tution of the United States, the exclusive right to legislate in regard to its abolition in that State, it shall aim to convince all our fellow citizens by arguments addressed to their understandings and consciences, that slave-holding is a heinous crime in the sight of God; and that the duty, safety, and best interests of all concerned, require its immediate abandonment, without expatriation. The Society will also endeavor in a Constitutional way to influence Congress to put an end to the domestic slave trade; and to abolish slavery in all those portions of our common country, which come under its control, especially in the District of Columbia, and likewise to prevent the extension of it to any State that may hereafter be admitted to the Union. ART. 3. This Society shall aim to elevate the character and condition of the people of color, by encouraging their intellectual, moral and religious improvement, and by removing public prejudice; that thus they may according to their intellectual and moral worth, share an equality with the whites, of civil and religious privileges; but the Society will never in any way, countenance the oppressed in vindicating their rights, by resorting to physical force. ART. 4. Any person who consents to the principles of this Constitution, who contributes to the funds of this Society, and is not a slave-holder, may be a member of this Society, and shall be entitled to vote at its meetings. Here we have great moral principles frankly and unequivocally avowed; the objects to be pursued are distinctly stated; and none are permitted to join in the pursuit of these objects without assenting to the principles which avowedly render their attainment desirable. The whole structure of the Society, therefore, is totally different from the Colonization Society. This being founded on principle, that on expediency. This availing itself, only of certain professed motives, that inviting the co-operation of motives of all sorts, however contradictory. In order to judge of the fitness of the objects contemplated by the Society, we must first inquire into the soundness of the principles by which they are recommended. The first great principle of the Society, and indeed the one from which all the others are deduced, is the sinfulness of slavery. To determine whether slavery as it exists in the United States is sinful, we must know what it is. Where an institution is unavoidably liable to great abuses, those abuses may fairly be taken in account, in estimating its true character; but in order to avoid all captious objections, we will now inquire, what are the lawful, or rather legal features of American slavery, and we will leave wholly out of view, all acts of oppression and cruelty not expressly sanctioned by law. The following definitions of American slavery, are, it will be perceived, from high authority: "A slave is one who is in the power of a master to whom he belongs. The master may sell him, dispose of his person, his industry, his labor; he can do nothing, possess nothing, nor acquire any thing but which must belong to his master.' Louisiana Code, Art. 3. "Slaves shall be deemed, taken, reputed and adjudged to be chattels personal in the hands of their masters and possessors, to all intents and purposes whatsoever." Laws of South Carolina-Brevard's Digest, 229. It will be observed that these definitions apply to slaves without distinction of sex or age. But not only are those now in servitude, but their children after them, the subjects of these definitions. |