streets like a town, each hut containing fourteen men. Such was the destitution of shoes, that all the late marches had been tracked in blood-an evil which Washington had endeavoured to mitigate by offering a premium for the best pattern of shoes made of untanned hides. For want of blankets, many of the men were obliged to sit up all night before the camp fires. More than a quarter of the troops were reported unfit for duty, because they were barefoot and otherwise naked. Provisions failed, and on more than one occasion there was an absolute famine in the camp. It was in vain that Washington sent repeated and earnest remonstrances to congress, its credit was at the lowest ebb. The system of establishing fixed prices for everything had totally failed, as it was certain to do; and Washington, to prevent the total dispersion of his army, was obliged to send out foraging parties, and seize provisions wherever they could be found. He gave certificates for these seizures, but their payment was long delayed, and, when it came, it was only in the continental bills, which were fearfully depreciated, and contrasted most disadvantageously with the gold in which the British paid for their supplies.

the army, all woollens, blankets, stockings, shoes, and hats, wherever they could be found, and pay for them at this fixed price in the government depreciated paper. Not a hundredth part of these violent and arbitrary measures had been needed to throw the whole country into a flame against England. Conscious of the odiousness of these proceedings, congress, in a circular letter, declared that "laws unworthy the character of infant republics are become necessary to supply the defects of public virtue, and to correct the vices of some of her sons."

Nor was this the extent of that wretched condition of the United States which would have attracted the vigilant attention of an able English commander, and have roused him into successful action. The greatest discontent prevailed in congress against Washington. Gates and the northern army had triumphed over the whole British army there; but what had been the fate of Washington hitherto? The Washington of that day was not Washington as we regard him now-proved and tried by twenty years of the most disinterested and most successful public services. As yet he had been in command but little more than two years, during which he had suffered, with some slight exceptions, a continual series of losses and defeats. He had recovered Boston, to be sure, and that not by any brilliant action, but by a mere blockade, and had lost New York, Newport, and Philadelphia. He had been completely successful at Trenton, and partially so at Princetown; but had been beaten, with heavy loss, on Long Island and at Fort Washington, and lately in two pitched battles, on ground of his own choosing, at Brandywine and Germantown. What a contrast to the battles on Behmus's Heights and the capture of Burgoyne! Want of success had evoked a party in congress against Schuyler, Sullivan, and himself. In this

Since the issue of the ten millions of new bills, authorised early in the year, to which two millions more had been added in August, the depreciation had become alarming. Anxious to obtain money to pay the troops, congress had pressed the subject of loans, and, as a new inducement to lenders, had offered to pay the interest on all money advanced before March, 1778, in bills drawn on their commissioners in France. But it became necessary to authorise a million more of continental bills, and another million soon after, making the amount issued up to the end of the year thirty-four millions. The depreciation, meanwhile, increased so rapidly, that the bills, nearly at par for the first three months of the year, had sunk by the end of it one-party Henry Lee and Samuel Adams were violent against fourth their value. Credit failing at home, congress ordered their commissioners to endeavour to effect loans in France and Spain, but, till after the capture of Burgoyne, with little effect.

him. They accused him of want of vigour and promptitude,
and of a system of favouritism. Congress was wearied of
his constant importunities and remonstrances.
The people
of Philadelphia were extremely sore on account of their city
being allowed to fall into the hands of the English. Mifflin,
against whose conduct, as quartermaster-general, he had
complained, and who had resigned in consequence, was very
bitter against him, and, with Conway and Gates, was
actively colleaguing against him. Gates, since the capture
of Burgoyne, had assumed a particular hauteur and distance,
and, there could be little doubt, was aspiring to the office of

Congress next voted that five millions of dollars should be raised by direct taxation, each state to take a definite quota; that all the property of those who had taken the royalist side should be seized and sold; that of absentees was to be put into the hands of trustees, and sold too, the proceeds, after paying the debts due upon them, to be paid into the general treasury. These certainly were far more tyrannic regulations than any that Great Britain had commander-in-chief. A new board of war was formed, in enforced, and which had driven them into rebellion; but there is no party so unscrupulous and relentless as a revolutionary one. The sale of the estates of the disaffected brought little into the general fund, but served to gratify personal spite. Congress then went further. It established three conventions-one for the eight northern states, one for Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina, and a third for South Carolina and Georgia—which were to meet early in the year, and establish a fresh list of prices, notwithstanding the former one had failed, and to enforce those prices by seizing goods for the army, paying only those prices. It was declared a crime for persons to hold large stocks with the prospect of making extra profits by them. The commissioners were authorised to seize, for the use of

which the opponents of Washington became the leading members. Gates and Mifflin were at its head, and Conway was made major-general over the heads of all the brigadiers, and inspector-general of the army. A system of anonymous letters was in action depreciating the character and services of Washington.

But, whilst all these elements of disunion and weakness were in full play, Howe slumbered on in Philadelphia, unobservant and, probably, unknowing of it all. He continued to eat, and sleep, and give dinners and card-parties— his officers, by their conduct, shocking all the moral notions of the staid Quakers - when a fortnight's sudden and energetic action would have freed him of all his shivering and starving enemies on this side of the Hudson.

The

SHAMEFUL TREATMENT OF BRITISH PRISONERS.

human nature, towards those of their own people who took the British side; that captain Fenton, continuing steadfast to the king, and being gone to England, some women of the lower orders seized on his wife and daughter-a beautiful girl of fifteen-tore off their clothes, tarred and feathered them, and dragged them, in that condition, as a show round the town. (See her "Dienst-Reise," pp. 192-202.)

Whilst ladies received such treatment, it was not likely that the British troops and officers could escape insult and injury from the unmanly Bostonians. English soldiers were not only insulted but stabbed, and a colonel Henley, on the complaint of Burgoyne, was brought before a court-martial for stabbing English soldiers with his own hand on two separate occasions; but he was declared only to have acted with too much warmth, and was acquitted!

obstacles. They sent to Burgoyne, insisting on his furnishing them with a descriptive list of all the non-commissioned officers and privates of his army; but, as this formed no part of the convention, it was properly declined. They then declared that the English had broken the convention; that they had not surrendered all their arms, these arms being some cartouch-boxes, and other accoutrements, retained by individuals, as is the case in all such surrenders; but the congress declared that these were arms, and therefore justified them in detaining the British force. When the transporta sent by general Howe arrived, they would not admit them.

When Burgoyne surrendered, he should have been prepared for this despicable conduct on the part of congress, for it was precisely what it had done before when general Arnold made an exchange of prisoners with general Carle

An article of the convention expressly provided that the ton in Canada in the preceding year.

66

"Arnold," says

MEDAL STRUCK IN HONOUR OF WASHINGTON.

English officers should be quartered according to their rank; but they complained that six or seven of them were crowded into one small room, without regard either to rank or comfort. But Burgoyne, finding remonstrance useless at Boston, wrote to Gates reminding him of his engagements in the convention, and declaring such treatment a breach of public faith.

This was just one of those expressions that congress was watching for, and they seized upon it with avidity. "Here," they said, "is a deep and crafty scheme-a previous notice put in by the British general to justify his future conduct; for, beyond all doubt, he will think himself absolved from his obligation whenever released from his captivity, and go with all his troops to reinforce the army of Howe."

This was only such a plea as minds dishonourable in themselves could have advanced; no such quibbling belonged to the British character, and Burgoyne offered at once to give congress any security against any such imagined perfidy. But this did not suit congress-its only object was to fasten some imputation on the English as an excuse for detaining them contrary to the convention, and they went on, in the true spirit of a pettifogging meanness, to raise fresh

their own historian, Hildreth, "who commanded at Montreal, signed a cartel of exchange, by which it was agreed to release as many prisoners in the hands of the Americans. But congress refused to ratify this agreement, and this refusal presently became a serious obstacle in the way of any regular exchange of prisoners."

The shameful length to which congress carried this dishonourable shuffling astonished Europe. They insisted that Great Britain should give a formal ratification of the convention before they gave up the troops, though they allowed Burgoyne and a few of his officers to go home. The British commissioners, who had arrived with full powers to settle any affair, offered immediately such ratification; but this did not arrest the slippery chicane of congress. It declared that it would not be satisfied without ratification directly from the highest authority at home. In short, congress, in open violation of the convention, detained the British troops for several years prisoners of war. Mahon, recording these circumstances with every feeling of disgust which arises in honourable minds at such exhibitions, says:-" It has been usual to consider the events of Saratoga as fraught only with humiliation to England, and with

Lord

A.D. 1778.]

DESIRE FOR CHATHAM'S RETURN TO POWER.

glory to America; yet, should these pages chance to be perused by any man, neither a subject of the former nor a citizen of the latter state, I would request that man to pause, and to ask himself the question, to which of these countries he would rather have belonged-to the one whose soldiers were then repulsed and compelled to lay down their arms, or to that, then victorious, whose statesmen deliberately and wilfully, with their eyes open to the consequences, broke the plighted faith on which, and on which alone, that surrender was made?"

195

return. In the house of lords the earl of Abingdon moved
to consult the judges on the legality of raising troops
without authority of parliament; but this motion was not
pressed to a division. But, on the 4th of February, Sir Philip
Jennings Clarke returned to his charge in the commons,
and was very indignant at money being demanded from
government for the uniforms of some of these troops.
was declared in the debate that the whole arrangement was
not only unconstitutional, but that the regiments of Scot-
land especially were mere troops of vile mercenaries, by

Such was the state of affairs, both in America and nature slaves, and willing tools of government.
England, at the end of the year 1777.

CHAPTER VII.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. (Continued.)

Efect of the Losses in America on North's Ministry-Proposals to make

Chatham Minister-Difference betwixt Chatham and Rockingham North brings in Conciliatory Bills-Lord Howe and Sir William Howe recalled-Lord North desires to resign-The French Ambassador announces the Treaty with America-Lord Stormont recalled from Paris

Coutts, the banker, endeavours to get Chatham made Minister-The

King remains inflexible-State of America at this juncture-Chatham's

last Appearance in Parliament, and his Death-Return of Burgoyne to
England-Repeal of the Penal Code against the English Roman Catholics
Camp at Valley Forge-The Conway Cabal-Proposed Expedition to
Canada-Given up-News of the Treaty with France-La Fayette on

-Popular Ferment in Scotland-Lord George Gordon-Washington in his

Barren Hill-The Mischianza-The British Commissioners arrive-Their terms rejected-The British Troops leave Philadelphia - Washington pur

sues them--Battle of Monmouth-French Squadron under D'Estaing
His Designs on Rhode Island-Wyoming destroyed-British Expedition
to Georgia-D'Estaing in the West Indies-Fayette returns to France-

Admiral Keppel and Count D'Orvilliers-Action off Ushant-Courts
Martial on Keppel and Palliser-No-Popery Riots in Scotland-Protes-
tant Associations-War with Spain declared-Camp on Cox Heath-
French Army of Invasion-Allied Fleets in the Channel-Paul Jones-
Return of D'Estaing to France-Campaign in America-Washington at
Middlebrook-Depreciation of American Money-Insolvency of the
United States-Washington's Picture of the Times-Meeting of English
Parliament, and Resignation of Lord Gower.

It

Lord North replied that this now hotly-decried practice was one which had been not only adopted, but highly approved of, in 1745, and again in 1759, when lord Chatham was minister, and that he had then thanked publicly those who had raised the troops for the honour and glory of their country. A motion was negatived by the lords on the same day, to declare this practice unconstitutional, and a similar one later in the session, introduced by Wilkes and supported by Burke.

The spirit of the country appeared to be running in a strong current for the return of lord Chatham to the helm, as the only man who could save the sinking state, and bring the American difficulty to a happy issue. But the great obstacle to this was the still continued assertion of lord Chatham-that the full independence of America could not be for a moment listened to, whilst to almost every other man of the opposition that independence was already an accomplished fact. Lord Rockingham, who was looked up to as a necessary part of any cabinet at the head of which Chatham should be placed, had, in the previous session, asserted his opinion that the time had now passed for hoping to preserve the dependence of these colonies; and, now he saw France coming into the field against us, he was the more confirmed in this view. This was a fatal circumstance in the way of the establishment of a strong co-operative cabinet, formed out of the present opposition, and the friends on both sides endeavoured in vain to get over it.

THE loss of the British army in the north of the American states, and the aspect of affairs in France, were circum- "Can you blame lord Chatham," said his son-in-law, stances that at once depressed the unlucky ministry, and lord Mahon, to the duke of Richmond, "for desiring to brought the questions of the opposition rigorously upon keep the now distracted parts of the empire together, and them. They demanded of lord North whether he could for attempting to prevent such a disgraceful and fatal say that a treaty was not actually signed betwixt France dismemberment of this country? The duke replied that, and our American colonies. For some time lord North" so far from blaming lord Chatham for wishing to prevent remained imperturbably silent, but at length he was com- this separation, I highly applaud him for it, if he has any pelled to confess that such a treaty was far from impossible, kind of reason in the world to think that the thing can be but that he had no official information of the fact. rendered practical by any means whatever."

When parliament opened on the 20th of January, 1778, the opposition fell, as it were, in a mass upon the ministry on this question. There was much dissatisfaction expressed at the government allowing Liverpool, Manchester, and other places, to raise troops without consulting parliament. It was declared to be a practice contrary to the constitution and to the coronation oath. Sir Philip Jennings Clarke, on the 22nd of January, moved for an account of the numbers of troops so raised, with the names of the commanding officers. Lord North, whilst observing that this mode of raising troops showed the popularity of the war, and that the country was by no means in that helpless condition which a jealous and impatient faction represented it to be, readily granted the

But the duke declined promising his support to a Chatham administration, except on the condition that, if the earl found it impossible to obtain peace on these terms, ho should be willing to obtain it on some basis less improbable. In fact, every one must now see that Chatham, with all his genius, had not contemplated the progress of events with sufficient attention, and that, had he come into office with the expectation of preserving the dependence of the colonies, he would assuredly have failed.

Still there was a strong desire in the country, and also amongst the leading men in parliament, to see Chatham at the head of the ministry; it was even surmised that this was also the wish of the king. We shall soon see that nothing

was farther from the king's thoughts; but whether or not he would have the whole formation of the cabinet without George for a time listened to the suggestions of such a scheme any stipulations for a single king's friend; and the king without altering his own fixed determination on this head, cer- must himself entreat him to take the management of tain it is that several persons were conveying such an idea to affairs. Nor, in this case, can any sensible man blame him. Chatham. Thomas Coutts, the banker of the Strand, who, To assume office now, was to be willing to undertake the having connections with some of the highest persons in the rescue of the nation from the most deplorable condition, into state, might be supposed to have obtained correct information, which the obstinacy of the king and the stupidity of his wrote to the countess of Chatham on the 21st of January ministers had plunged it, in steady defiance of the most that he had heard the sentiments of persons of various solemn warnings on his part. Nothing but the most absolute ranks, all uniting in the idea that it was most essential power of action in him could produce any favourable result to the preservation of the nation that the earl of Chatham-it was scarcely possible that even that could now avail. should be called to the helm. He added, that as no peace with America could ever be made through the present administration, he apprehended that the king would be very glad at the present moment to receive a proposal from the only person who could possibly succeed in a point so essential, not only to the welfare but to the very existence of Great Britain as a powerful nation; and he thought that such a proposal would be quite acceptable, if but one person should be included in the cabinet, who might, in the language of politics, be called the king's friend; and he mentioned the earl of Rochford as such a person.

This must have appeared to Chatham a pretty direct proposal from the highest quarter, especially as, previous to this, Brown, the landscape-gardener, called Capability Brown, who was on a familiar footing with both the king and lord Bute, had also written to the countess of Chatham, that he had had very favourable conversations with his majesty about her lord, in which the king had shown no acrimony or ill-will; that he had taken the liberty to show the king some of her ladyship's letters, and to express his opinion that lord Chatham had nothing in view but the dignity of the crown, the honour and happiness of the royal family, and the lustre of the whole empire; and that those who called him an American did him great wrong. The king, in reply, said that "lord Chatham had too much good sense to wish harm to his country."

The countess had, in reply, said "that the earl felt much gratification in the favourable opinions of his majesty, and that his views of things told him that ruin was at our door, if not immediately prevented by an entire change of the ministry. To Coutts she also replied, that lord Chatham felt the friendly disposition which Mr. Coutts had always shown to him, and was glad of the favourable opinions of the king; but that his lordship felt also that, to rescue a falling country from the last consequences of their own fatal errors -until those errors were fully perceived, and, from conviction, sincerely mourned- was a work too dangerous for presumption itself to undertake unbidden and uncommanded; and that, to obtrude ideas now-perhaps in any case too late-would be folly as well as presumption-courting extreme danger to no good end, and being but too likely to sink under the load of the faults of others that nothing short of commands could be a motive to act in desperate

cases."

It was clear, from this answer, that, however the king might be disposed, under the gloomy circumstances of the time, to waive his repugnance to Chatham, Chatham, on his part, was not disposed to concede one atom of his demands in all such cases-to abate one iota of his proud dictation;

But the rumour grew strong that Chatham was about to resume office. Lord Temple wrote to his sister, the countess of Chatham, that Capability Brown had been to him, piping hot, to say that lord Bute was outrageous in his expressions of the necessity for the king sending, without a moment's delay, for Chatham; that lord Mansfield had been to lord Holderness with tears in his eyes-a very unusual mood, certainly, for that hard, clever lawyer-protesting that the vessel was sinking, and that lord Chatham must be sent for; that lord Bute was very complimentary on Chatham's letter to lord Rockingham, and on the very handsome proceeding of the earl's, making a firm stand for the sovereignty and the restrictions of trade. And Temple added with what distinction the Grenvilles and Pitts had been received at court.

Bute would appear to have been in earnest in urging the necessity of calling Chatham to the helm; and Sir James Wright, one of Bute's private friends, communicated what Bute said to Dr. Addington, the father of the late lord Sidmouth, and Chatham's physician. Addington, regarding this as a direct overture, detailed the words to Chatham. Chatham, also receiving it as an indication that Bute was desirous to return to power, and would be glad to coalesce with him, dictated a civil reply to Bute, through Sir James Wright, expressing his thanks for the friendly opinion of lord Bute, but stating that nothing but a real change-new counsels and new counsellors-could prevent the public ruin. Sir James Wright received this answer very coldly, having, no doubt, hoped to see Bute as well as Chatham in power; and Bute, on receiving the message, hastened to make Dr. Addington aware, through Wright, that he was impressed by the words "real change," in lord Chatham's letter, with the idea that lord Chatham imagined that he himself was desirous of again entering the ministry. But he wished the earl to be distinctly informed that ill health and family distresses had accustomed him to a perfectly retired life, to which he hoped to adhere as long as he lived; that his long absence from all sorts of public business, and the many years which had intervened since he saw the king, prevented his knowing more of public affairs than he gathered from general conversation and the newspapers; that this total ignorance, notwithstanding his zeal for his country, love for the king, and very high opinion of lord Chatham, put it out of his power to be of the least use in this dangerous emergency; but that from his heart he wished lord Chatham every imaginable success in the restoration of the public welfare.

But, prompt as Bute had been to disabuse Chatham of the idea that he was thinking of joining him in office, Chatham