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The platform of the New-England churches, in his view, contained every thing necessary or proper for the order and discipline of ecclesiastical bodies, and the Westminster assembly's shorter catechism, all the articles of sound doctrine.

Why he did not engage in a profession, which was so congenial to his views and habits, does not appear; but for many years he was uncertain what line of life to pursue. He only engaged in a petty kind of trafficking; his business was small, his site uation humble, and he seemed to walk in the vales and descents of life, rather than to be formed for conspicuous stations or very active scenes. The same political cast of mind then appeared, which influenced his conduct afterwards. If he spake of men and manners it was freely to canvass them; his conversation was in praise of old times, his manners were austere, his remarks never favourable to the rising generation; and he would depreciate the talents and services of those who held offices of honour and public trust. No man ever despised more those fools of fortune, whom the multitude admire ; and yet he thought the opinion of the common people in most cases to be very correct.

As we have said his employment was humble, it may be proper to mention that his first office in the town was that of tax gatherer; which the opposite party in politicks often alluded to, and in their controversies would style him Samuel the Publican. While the British regiments were in town, the tories enjoyed a kind of triumph, and invented every mode of burlesquing the popular leaders: but where the people tax themselves the office of collector is respectable; it was at that time given to gentlemen who had seen better days, and needed some pecuniary assistance, having merited the esteem and confidence of their fellow townsmen. Mr. Adams was ill qualified to fill an office which required such constant attention to pecuniary matters; and, his soul being bent on politicks, he pass

ed more time in talking against Great Britain than in collecting the sums due to the town. He grew embarrassed in his circumstances, and was assisted, not only by private friends, but by many others who knew him only as a spirited partisan in the cause of liberty.

From this time, the whigs were determined to support him to the utmost of their power. He had been always on their side, was firm and sagacious, one of the best writers in the newspapers, ready upon every question, but especially conversant with all matters which related to the dispute between Great Britain and the colonies.

The people in the north section of the town were then more numerous than they have been since; and were by a very large majority on the side of freedom. When Pownal was in the chair, he favoured this party, and lifted several men to office whose merit was rather in their principles and notions, than in their sagacity. It answered his purpose, which was to defeat the schemes of Hutchinson and it really had a surprising effect upon the transactions of the town.

Mr. S. Adams was well acquainted with every shipwright, and substantial mechanick, and they were his firm friends through all the scenes of the revolution, believing that to him more than any other man in the community we owed our independence. This sentiment prevailed with many who disliked his opinion of federal measures, and who would not vote for him to be governor of the commonwealth. They would often say that he, from his age, habits and local prejudices, was not formed to mingle with politicians of a later period, whose views must necessarily be more comprehensive, and whose object was to restrain rather than give a loose to popular feelings. It was their opinion, however, that he did worthily in those times, when instead of building up a government suited to the condition of a people, we had only to pull

down a government becoming every day more tyrannical. When the stamp act was the subject of conversation, of public resentment, and succeeding tumults, Mr. Adams was one of those important characters, who appeared to oppose it in every step. He did not think it amiss to pull down the office, though he disapproved of the riotous proceedings which the same lawless men were guilty of afterwards; for every succeeding night witnessed the rage of an infatuated populace, and no man in any office whatever was safe in his habitation. If a man had any pique against his neighbour it was only to call him a few hard names, and his property would certainly be destroyed, his house pulled down and his life be in jeopardy. The authority of the town put an end to this savage conduct by calling out the militia; and soon after the news of the repeal of the stamp act quieted the minds of all elasses of people.

The taxes upon tea, oil and colours were still more odious to the Americans than the stamp act; especially to the inhabitants of Boston, where the board of commissioners was established. The people looked to Mr. Adams, as one of the champions of liberty, who must stand forth against every claim of Great Britain, and deny the right of the parent state to lay a tax; nor were they disappointed. He was so strenuous in his exertions to make the people sensible of their charter privileges, that he obtained the appellation of the patriot Samuel Adams.

The other members of the general court, from the town of Boston, were Mr. Otis, Mr. Cushing, and Mr. Hancock, gentlemen of the same political sentiments, and united in their opposition to the claims of the British ministry. Mr. Adams had frequently delivered his sentiments in the publick papers; and being a ready penman was often employed on committees to make reports, addresses, &c. and to vindicate the acts of the legislature. He assisted in writing most of the letters, which were

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sent to the secretary of state. One letter addressed to the earl of Hillsborough was entirely his. His draught was accepted by the house of representatives, and, without any alteration, sent to that nobleman, who was supposed to be most inimical to the colonies of all the king's servants; and whose name was never mentioned in Massachusetts without reproach.

In the year 1769, the governor removed the general court to Cambridge. The members considered it as an infringement of their rights. Mr. Adams was on the committee to draw up their remonstrances, which were warm and urgent. For several years the governor thus obeyed his instructions, to keep the assembly out of Boston. There were some altercations among the representatives, whether they would proceed or not to business; and when it was determined to go on, there was a spirited protest, in which our politician took a very conspicuous part. During these sessions at Cambridge, a difference of opinion arose, upon some secondary matters, between Adams and Hancock, which cooled their friendship, and was succeeded by an antipathy, that had an effect upon the minds of the people, many of whom took a warm interest in this personal animosity, though they agreed in political sentiments; and acted together in the great affairs which arrested the attention of all the whigs. The first impressions were unfavourable to Mr. Adams; for many of the high whigs thought him austere and rigid in his notions, that he was opinionated, and that his object was as much to mortify Hutchinson, and gratify his resentment against the tories, as to serve the cause of freedom. Hancock was the idol of the populace; his spirit was generous, he enjoyed an affluence of wealth, which he was ready to bestow on all publick occasions: he was affable, condescending, and very engaging in his manners. Mr. Adams preferred to be thought a Cate rather than a Lucullus. His friends were

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lessened in number, but they were the sternest republicans; and those, perhaps, who first dared to view our independence as near. They called themselves the most consistent whigs. Others called them the restless spirits of their party, who wished not to have grievances redressed, but to sail upon troubled waves, as their own political importance depended upon the tumult of the people. They

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mixed in public assemblies; used a coarser style of speaking in the streets; and calculated upon the future scenes which would open for the emancipation of the country.-The period soon arrived: The battle of Lexington gave the moderate party a zeal which blazed, and every man became a patriAdams and Hancock were proscribed soon after by Gage's proclamation. This was all they wanted to raise their reputation to the highest pitch. Before they could have known this, they had reason to be satisfied with the triumph of the whigs, and must have been fully persuaded they were safe in any part of the country. These gentlemen were at Lexington the very night the British troops left Boston, and it was generally supposed that part of the errand was to take them. They received such intelligence as to be on their guard. A friend of

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Mr. Adams spread a report that he spake with pleasure on the occurrences of the 19th of April. "It is a fine day," said he, walking in the field after the day dawned. Very pleasant answered one of his companions," supposing him to be contemplating the beauties of the sky. "I mean," he replied, "this day is a glorious day for America." fearless was he of consequences, so intrepid in the midst of dangers, so eager to look forward to the lustre of events that would succeed the gloom which then involved the minds of the people. Mr. Adams had been a member of the continental congress the preceding year. Mr. Hancock from ill health was not a candidate for the same congress, but was president of the provincial assembly which bore the

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