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name of provincial congress in Massachusetts. They were both members of the congress which sat at Philadelphia, A. D. 1775, 76, &c.

Among the southern whigs the character of Mr. Adams was very high. He was looked upon as an able politician, though less liberal in his views, less informed in great questions of national concern, than several characters from these northern states : but his republican sentiments were congenial to the sentiments of many gentlemen of Pennsylvania and Virginia, who quoted his opinion with respect. There were, however, some southern members of congress who called him an indifferent statesman, a local politician, one whose thoughts were always in Fanieul Hall, and bent upon establishing the customs of the Plymouth settlers; or introducing the laws of Massachusetts, instead of that enlightened policy which was necessary to animate a great nation; a nation who had to form their government, to adapt novel opinions to the prudence of old laws, to execute some of the noblest schemes ever designed by man, and which no other state of human affairs had ever given them an opportunity to know and improve.

Mr. Adams was chosen secretary of the state of Massachusetts in the year 1774, while the general court were at Cambridge. The business was performed by a deputy until the year that his seat was vacated in Congress. He was never afterwards a candidate for any office out of Massachusetts government. While he sat in Congress the declaration of Independence was made, which he urged with the utmost zeal. Also the articles of the old confederation to which he was always much attached. It was a favorite expression, which he often gave as a toast in public companies and private circles-"The states united, and the states separate." There was also another matter of importance which took place in the autumn of 1777, when the British troops marched to Philadelphia, it was given out

that gen. Washington might have prevented them That, although an excellent and very amiable character, he was too much a Fabius in the field. He had, however, fought the battle of Brandy wine with an army inferiour to the enemy; and made an attack upon Germantown which only wanted success to make it add much to his military reputation; it being well planned, and the general discovering great activity and courage in collecting troops who had been so entirely dispersed a few days before.

An alteration was contemplated in the military arrangements, and the public papers declared that a majority of Congress had determined to advance gen. Gates to a command which would imply a censure upon the commander in chief. Although this did not originate with Mr. Adams, he was known to be unfriendly to Washington, and after this he was not a favourite with certain military gentlemen who had been his most active partizans. Some of these officers had a conference with him in Boston, and he declared that he never meant that Gates, or any other officer who was not born in America, should supercede Washington or be commander in chief. Perhaps he only meant that there should be separate commands, and the generals to be independent of each other, and of the same rank, and to look to the Congress for the chief di

rection.

Whether he was attached to the General, or thought him the most proper person for the high office of President of the United States, is a subject of opinion, on which his fellow citizens differed. It is certain that president Washington did not speak of him with the highest respect.

It has been said in a European publication, that Mr. Samuel Adams made the motion for Independence, and that he sacrificed a large fortune in the cause of his country. This is not true. But it is true that he contributed to the Independence of America, as much as any man, by his enterprising

spirit at an early period of the contest, by his patriotic zeal, by his influence on the minds of the people; yet no individual ought to be styled the Father of our Independence. For a nation to be born it

required all the mighty efforts of those bold, wise and noble-minded statesmen, who adorned this era in the annals of their country by their presence in the first Congress.

From being secretary of the commonwealth of Massachusetts, Mr. Adams was chosen a member of the senate of the state after the government was formed in the year 1780, and was placed at the head of that respectable branch of the legislature. He had been one the members of the convention which formed the government, was a principal leader in the debates, and eminently useful, from his knowledge and experience, in the committee which made the first draught; as well as in the great body which shaped it in its present form; and styled it the Constitution of Government for the state of Massachusetts. The address of the convention to the people was composed by him, and another gentleman who has since filled several offices of honour and trust in the commonwealth.

Whilst Mr. Adams was president of the senate, he was punctual in his attendance upon every part of duty, and adhered strictly to all the regulations and forms of proceeding; till finding the infirmities of age coming upon him, he was persuaded to resign the chair, a place which required dispatch as well as constant assiduities in business. He was succeeded by Mr. Phillips, who afterwards succeeded him as lieut. governor of the state.

During the time of his influence in the senate, there was an insurrection, which threatened the overthrow of the government. Whoever recollects the popular phrensy will give due credit to the wise, spirited and energetic measures which were then urged, and carried into effect. The most direful consequences were prevented, the tumult was soon

quelled, and the people as soon convinced of their delusion. In this dark scene of adversity, when even a civil war had commenced, no man was more firm and intrepid than Mr. Adams. It was his constant declaration, that republicks could exist only by a due submission to the laws that the laws ought to be put in force against all opposition, and that a government could be supported by the exertions of a free, virtuous, and enlightened people.

The year after the insurrection the administration was changed; Mr. Bowdoin was succeeded by gov. Hancock. This was contrary to the opinion of Mr. Adams. No man could have conducted himself in this office better than the former gentleman, yet many people in the commonwealth indulged the idea, that Mr. H. having the confidence of the people more than the other, might serve the commonwealth more effectually at this time. Gen. Lincoln, the officer who had quelled the insurrection, was put into the office of lieut. governor. Perhaps this might also chagrin the good old patriot. It was evident that he disliked this choice, and the opportunity was improved to bring about a reconciliation between two men whose friendship had been broken, and succeeded by personal hatred, but who were now to act like friends, and form a political union in which the sentiments of the heart might have little concern. Soon after the insurrection, the convention met at Philadelphia to form a new constitution of government for the United States. When the

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constitution was completed, a convention was assembled in Massachusetts to consider it; and Mr. Adams was also one of the twelve representatives of Boston. In this body he was almost a silent voter. In former assemblies he had spoken upon every question that became an object of discussion, and as he grew older was remarkable for his garrulity; yet here he seldom opened his mouth. He had said so much against it in conversation prior to the meeting of this body, that he well knew if he prais

ed it he would be charged with inconsistency, which had been no part of his character through life; and if he spake against it, he was sensible of the odium it would bring upon him; for his constituents were a strong phalanx in defence of it. The trade of the town had been stagnant. The mechanicks were in want of business, and from this they expected golden dreams of prosperity.

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Our politician voted for the adoption of the constitution with amendments. He himself proposed one amendment which was not adopted; and which he soon withdrew. It excited a strong resentment at the time, and would have given still greater offence, if he had not declared that it was far from his intention to excite a jealousy that the people's liber. ty was to be infringed.-There are two different opinions on this part of his conduct: one that it was his design to prejudice the republican party against the constitution: the other that he only wished to have something originating from himself, and therefore proposed an amendment, which he had not well considered, or not at all digested. From this time, however, he was viewed as the leader of that party which disliked the mixture of aristocracy said to exist in that form of government; and looked with pleasure at the things going on in France. It is certain that all those who were styled antifederalists supported his character and influence; and that those who disliked the administration of the government under Washington and Adams, as well as those who first disliked the constitution itself, united their energies to exalt his reputation in his old age; to blazon his name among the first worthies of America, and to give him all the merit that could possibly be due to his services.

Mr. Adams was chosen governor of the state of Massachusetts in 1794, having been second in authority and honour five years. He continued in the chair three years, and then resigned.

The last six years of his life he passed in retire.

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