relationship with Mr. Evarts, the head of | diennes" (Quebec, 1871) and the "Grandes

the American bar and the chosen orator of the Centenary.

Familles "of Canada, also published by M. Seneril, supply much collateral information. We miss, however, any notice of the Bayards the, so to say, hereditary senators of the State of Delaware - a family which has offered (though with few apparent chances of success) to the coun

Mr. Winthrop, in the exercise of his critical duty, is occasionally compelled to throw doubts on the veracity of some of these pedigrees, and brings forwards one crucial instance to justify his demand for a greater care in such investigations. In try a candidate for the presidency at the Baker's "History of Northamptonshire," forthcoming election, who, apart from politthe descent of George Washington from ical considerations, would be very acceptaLawrence Washington, of Sulgrave, in ble both at home and abroad, from his perthat county, is given at length, and has sonal qualities and unblemished reputabeen hitherto accepted without hesitation. tion. So completely were these facts assumed, The comparative novelty of this ambithat the late Lord Spencer sent Mr. tion for European kinship is very intelligiCharles Sumner facsimiles of the tomb-ble when we consider the circumstances stones in Brington churchyard, which of America even before its political rupwere presented by the American states-ture from England. Most rare in these man to the State, and placed, by a vote of family records is the notice of the return Congress, in the Doric Hall of the State- or visit of any settler, or a matrimonial House, where they now perpetuate a connection with the country of his origin. genealogical error. For whatever may The distance, the rarity of the habit of have been the relation of the first presi- travel, the necessity of regular labor and dent to the families of Sulgrave and Bring- close attention to business in a frugal soton, it is conclusively shown by Colonel ciety, all kept the peoples apart, and the Chester-whose zeal for these inquiries bonds of literature and common culture is equally directed to English and Ameri- must have been of the slightest. The can sources - that the two sons of Law- first printing-press, indeed, had been set rence- - the elder, knighted in 1622, and up in a building that bears the appropriate the younger, the ejected minister of Pur- name of Cambridge, as early as 1639, but leigh in Essex-never emigrated. In it seems to have been confined to public George Washington's own time the tradi-documents, of which one of the earliest tion was that his branch of the family came from the north of England.

and most memorable was the "Freeman's Oath," which, in accordance with the politIt must be noted that, with few excep- ical change in England, omitted the king's tions, this summary is confined to the one name, and swore fidelity to the Commondistrict of the Union; and it is singular wealth of Massachusetts Bay, and raised that few similar interests seem to have its own flag, but, as is recorded, “in deferexisted in the South, although the satisfac-ence to some English sea-captains," kept tion of good descent is there proverbial, the royal standard floating over the fort without reference to wealth or even decent till the news of the king's death arrived. rank in life. In Pennsylvania the "Historic The personal interest felt in the American Genealogy of the Kirk Family" (Lancaster, settlements by the leaders of the Great 1872) may be cited as a rare instance of a Rebellion is illustrated by the circumstance continuance of this taste outside of New of Sir John Eliot in the Tower transcribEngland. Even in New York, since Hol-ing Winthrop's "Nine Reasons," justify, gate's "American Genealogy" (Albany, ing the New Plantations, and sending it 1848), there has been comparatively little to Hampden for his study. The increas study of the connection with Holland, ing closeness of the connection, founded although in that city the old Dutch families claim a more distinct and exclusive social position than any other class elsewhere. There is, no doubt, much difficulty in eliciting accurate information from the records of the early settlers, as Mr. Berger's "Monograph of the Long Island Families" (New York, 1866) sufficiently proves. The few French descents- such as that of the Gaylords or Gaillards-seem difficult to determine, but the Abbé Tanguay's "Dictionnaire des Familles Cana

on Puritan sympathies, is well put by Mr. Hale, a descendant from Adrian Scrope, who voted for the king's death and lost his head for having done so, in his interesting essay, giving a fresh color to the old supposition of what would have happened if Oliver Cromwell had emigrated to America.

Had Cromwell come, he would have arrived here just before the first commencement of Harvard College; he would have arrived just as the General Court was striking the name of

King Charles off the oath; he would have
arrived just as the short-lived standing coun-
cil was disarmed; he would have arrived just
as the position of the Lower House first came
into discussion; he would have arrived just as
the free colonies were arranging their confed-
eration. At the election-day of that year,
John Winthrop was chosen governor for the
first year of his third term. Would he have
yielded his seat the next year to Oliver Crom-
well? Would Oliver Cromwell have been the
sixth governor of Massachusetts? or would he
have led a company to Strawberry-Bank, to
the Connecticut, or to the Mohawk, and be-
come himself the protector of an infant com-lated frequently when he is gone!
monwealth? (P. 15.)

We are distinguished from all the nations in the world by the name English. There is no nation that calls us countrymen but the English. Did not that land first bear us, even that pleasant island—but for sin, I would say that Garden of the Lord-that Paradise! And how here they always looked after our welfare, ebbing and flowing in their affections with us! And when sometimes a New England man returns thither, he is waited upon, looked after, received, entertained; the ground he walks upon beloved for his sake, and the household the better where he is. How are his words listened to, treasured up, and re

It was this union of the Plymouth, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New Haven colonies that had its mighty reverberation one hundred and twenty years after in the United States of America. So intimate, indeed, was the religious connection, that the Independence party in the Westminster Assembly strongly urged the attendance of Cotton, Hooker, and Davenport, the chief ministers of Boston, Hartford, and New Haven, to support them against the Presbyterians; and it is from this association that comes the peculiar word "Independent," in its relation to the American States a word not found in the Bible or in Shakespeare, but in the religious politics of England alone. Mr. Hale is very urgent that a statue should be raised in Boston, face to face with Chantrey's statue of Washington, to Oliver Cromwell," sovereign of England for ten years, and the friend of New England through his life," reminding his countrymen that Newbury and Worcester Streets in that city recall those great English battles, and that in the memory of man the Protector's head was a common tavern-sign.*

There is a passage in a pamphlet, or rather speech, of a certain William Hooker (1641), entitled "New England's Teares for Old England's Teares," cited by Mr. Frothingham, which touchingly illustrates the relations of the countries at the time. It seems to have been spoken in America, though printed in London:

Mr. Hale mentions as an earlier link that King James the First, on his journey from Scotland to London, had rested at the Scrooby manor-house, where Brewster, the Plymouth elder, resided, and held his private services, and was so taken with the place, that in his first letter to the Archbishop of York, he wishes him to sell it him for his hunting in Sherwood Forest. This picturesque incident is perhaps not altogether accurate. The king would have naturally lodged in the archbishop's palace, or hunting-box, at Scrooby (where Wolsey passed his last night on his way to Leicester), Brewster being then the postmaster of the district, residing in the adjacent manor-house, and not improbably coming into contact with his new sovereign.

But although the Long Parliament in 1642 declared in an act freeing New England from certain duties, etc., on merchandise entering its ports, "that the plantations in New England, by the blessing of the Almighty, had good and prosperous success, without any charge to the State, and are soon likely to prove very happy for the propagation of the gospel in those parts, and very beneficial and commodious for this kingdom and nation," the "Commission of the Lords of Trade and Plantations," created in 1643, of which Vane, Pym, and Cromwell were members, assumed powers just as plenary as the "Board" of Charles I., which they superseded, and received petitions from aggrieved persons, charging the colonies with aiming at independent sovereignty, and asking for the nomination of an English governor over all the States. The governor and company of Massachusetts were officially summoned in May, 1646, to answer complaints of this nature. How Governor Winslow reasoned against and disallowed these appeals is an important episode of American history; but the claim itself shows that the favor shown to the then local self-government of the colonies was due to other than political sympathies, and perhaps chiefly to the neglect incidental to a new and dubious government.

The Restoration necessarily brought some change in the spirit of the colonial policy. New England became the refuge of the regicides, and Whalley and Goffe are still legendary personages of New Haven romance. Nothing, however, occurred to justify any suspicions of disaffection towards England; the Navigation Act was rigorously executed; Eliot's tract, "The Christian Commonwealth," was condemned by the court of Massachusetts; Connecticut, in one petition, implores the king to accept that colony as his own colony "a little branch of his mighty empire." But the American historian may perhaps forgive this lapse in the liberties

of his country in consideration of the original enterprise of William Penn, whom Lord Macaulay could never bring himself to forgive for the favor of the Stuarts, and of the capture of Manhattan during peace from the Dutch, then a friendly power. Thus America gained, from the worst period of British politics, the second commercial city of the world and the theatre of the Philadelphia Centennial.

The growth of independent government in the new as well as in the older colonies during the latter portion of the seventeenth and the first half of the eighteenth centuries is shown by the great variety of their institutions, and their action during the Revolution of 1688 showed how far this could go without any apparent inclination to sever their connection with the mother country. They not only made a defensive federation against the Indians, but levied war against the French and their Indian allies, capturing Acadia and Port Royal, and only failing in their designs on Quebec by a military blunder; and local faction raged so freely that Jacob Leisler, the enthusiastic proclaimer of William and Mary, and chief of the Protestant cause, was put to death by the opposite party, after a trial which the British Parliament pronounced a legal murder. Yet, curiously enough, the speculation of the possible independence of America was continually floating on the other side of the water, showing itself in political suspicion and literary imaginations: as early as 1684 Sir Thomas Browne had foreshadowed the time

When America shall cease to send out its
treasure,

But enjoy it at home in American pleasure;
When the New World shall the Old invade,
Nor count them their lords, but their fellows

in trade.

mistress, and was so pleased with the notion that he had himself painted in that costume.*

This "law of diversity," as it is accurately named by Mr. Frothingham in his well-argued but partial work, may be said to have been prominent for some seventy years. During that time the population had increased to a million and a half, — French, Dutch, Germans, and Swedes mixing freely with the British; the most notable emigration, and that which has had the most intellectual and religious significance, being that of the Scotch-Irish in the reigns of Anne and George I. Various schemes were suggested to procure more unity of administration, from that of Robert Livingstone, of New York, in 1701, dividing the existing colonies into three distinct governments, to that of Governor Dinwiddie, of Virginia, in 1752, which recommended the formation of two great political divisions, north and south, connecting it with a scheme to incorporate all the Indians under the British government. In the same year Archibald Kennedy, receiver-general of New York, proposed that commissioners from all the colonies should meet annually to determine on the quotas each should contribute to the general defence, and that they should be exacted by acts of Parliament. These and several other combinations were regarded as quite practicable, without in any degree impairing the imperial connection. The question of an hereditary nobility was also much agitated, but met with little favor.

Some acts of arbitrary power were exercised by the mother country which require more explanation than they have hitherto received. Why did the writ of habeas corpus not run in America as in England? Why should the press have been under such strict censorship that all matter was required to be submitted to the colonial secretary, and that there should be extant an order, signed by Addison himself, directing the governors in America to allow of no publication or This did not,

It is also noticeable that the smaller colonies were most signally independent. In 1704 Montpesson, the chief justice of New York, wrote to Lord Nottingham that, "when he was at Rhode Island they did in all things as if they were out of the dominions of the crown;" and Lord Corn-printing without license? bury, son of Lord Clarendon, writing to the Board of Trade, about the same time, of the state of opinion in Connecticut and Rhode Island, says "that they hate anybody who owns any subjection to the queen." The words of this eccentric governor may, however, be taken with some qualification when we remember that he received the official world at Albany on the queen's birthday, dressed in female attire, imitated from the robes of his royal

indeed (and American publishers may rejoice in this antiquity of their craft), prevent entirely the reproduction of English works, but retaining the English imprint.

The vicinage of Canada was a cause of Three colonial wars continual trouble. had so wasted American blood and money, that the declaration of hostility between

Hampton, and has been photographed by him for the
Philadelphia Exhibition.

The picture is at present in the possession of Lord

France and England, in 1756, was the signal for an outburst of gratitude and patriotism. Never had the connection between the countries been more cordial and affectionate. "Let us," said Colonel Washington at Winchester, in carrying out the governor's orders to make the proclamation, "show our willing obedience to the best of kings, and by a strict attachment to his royal commands, demonstrate the love and loyalty we bear to his sacred person; let us, by rules of unerring bravery, strive to merit his royal favor, and a better establishment as a reward for our services;" thus implying his belief that the expulsion of the French by British arms was a necessity for the safety and comfort of the colonies.

When the conquest was secured, the Massachusetts Assembly (August, 1760), dwelling on "the inexpressible joy of the present time," said of the British Constitution "that it exceeds itself; it raises new ideas for which no language has provided words, because never known before. Contradictions are become almost consistent, clamorous faction is silent, morose goodnatured, by the divine blessing on the councils and arms of our dread sovereign in every quarter of the world. He has become the scourge of tyrants, the hope of the oppressed; yet in the midst of victories prophesying peace."

volumes on the subject of the American loyalists are a memorial of the patriotic devotion of a very large number, if not a majority, of our then fellow-subjects to the imperial cause. They were written on the eastern frontier of the union, where the writer had around him in every direction the graves and the children of the loyalists, and thus obtained access to family records that else would have remained unexplored; and while he regrets that entire correctness and fulness of detail in tracing the course and in ascertaining the fate of the adherents to the crown are not even within the power of the most careful and industrious historian, he is fully justified in believing that he has added a very valuable chapter to the annals of the Revolution. Here are not only stories of individual courage and suffering for a cause, as honorable and as pathetic as ever made romance out of human violence and gave virtue to passion among the Cavaliers of England, the Jacobites of Scotland, or the royalists of La Vendée, but, what is more important for the judgment of posterity, here is irrefragable proof that the motive power of the Revolution was not the sense of English oppression, or of disgust at colonial dependence, or even the development of local liberties into national patriotism, but the incompatibility of the material interests of the colonies with those of the mother country according to the political knowledge and ideas of the time.

Another practical reason for believing in the benefits of the imperial rule at that period is to be found in the political, commercial, and even religious antagonism of the separate colonies. Franklin loudly lamented that "such was their mutual jealousy that they would not even unite for purposes of common defence;" and a sensible traveller in 1759-60 does not scruple to write that, "were they left to themselves, there would soon be a civil war from one end of the continent to the other"a prophecy of which the fulfil ment lay deep in the womb of time, and which was accomplished under far other conditions, and with far other results, than could have passed through the imagination of the writer. In another and more immediate sense the prediction was entirely justified in the very contest that ended in the rupture with England. For in truth the war with the mother country was not only a civil war, as being between two peoples of the same race and speech, but in the complete divergencies of opinion and hostilities of action that it provoked among the inhabitants of the colonies themselves. Mr. Sabine's two The War of American Independence, 1775-83. carefully compiled and most interesting By John Malcomb Ludlow.

It has been so much the fashion of English historians to speak of the conduct of England to America in the last century as a national disgrace that it would be only consistent with the attitude we have assumed to have sent to the Philadelphia Exhibition a statue of Britannia clothed in sackcloth and ashes. In the second volume of our review (1809) the contest is described as "that unhappy war for which we have cause to feel shame," "but they (the Americans) perhaps will have most reason to feel sor row; " and in the most recent publication of "Epochs of Modern_History" the writer "thanks God that England should have failed in a task unworthy of herself, and which she should never have undertaken." In this otherwise efficient compendium the war is described "as a duel between Washington and George III., a statement so far true that to the individual persistence of the American general,

to

amidst, to use the words of his own letters, | they should contribute to its maintenance. "the distressed, ruinous, and deplorable The resistance of the British Parliament condition of affairs," "the party disputes to the arbitrary imposition of taxes by the and personal quarrels that are the great crown had nothing to do with the resistbusiness of the day," "the increasing ance of a portion of the people — and rapacity of the times," and "the declining such the colonies were considered zeal of the people," the ultimate success taxes imposed by Parliament. The diswas due, to an extent that justifies the tinction drawn by Mr. Pitt in 1800, "that national idolatry; but it is equally certain Great Britain had no right to tax the colthat in all his action towards his American onies, notwithstanding that its authority is subjects, George III. represented the will supreme in every circumstance of governand feelings of the British people in their ment and legislature whatever, because determination to preserve the integrity of taxation is no part of the governing or the empire. As late as 1783 the coalition legislative power, and the taxes a voluncoming into power shrunk from the unpop- tary gift and grant of the Commons alone,' ularity of peace with America, to which astonished the House of Commons as the king had ultimately consented, al- much as it delighted the Americans. though glad enough to put a close to the When the condition of the representation Continental war. The present successful of the people at that time is remembered, preservers of the unity of the United this theory must be taken at its own value, States will not depreciate these senti- and was probably estimated at the time as one of the great orator's superb rhetorical assertions. It is, however, an example of what both English and American histo rians justly regard with indignant regret

ments.

The large landholders of Virginia, who resembled, as far as circumstances permitted, the feudal proprietors of Europe -the monarchists of the Carolinas, whose local institutions were moulded on the English model, and in many of whom the spirit of loyalty was so strong as to transfer to the Guelphs the very sentiments for which they had incurred loss and exile in the cause of the Stuarts- the aristocracy that had held for generations the soil of New York with tenures-at-will as dependent as in Great Britain — the proprietary governors of Pennsylvania, who numbered among them such men as John Buchanan, the eloquent and unwearied asserter of American rights from 1765 to 1774, but the zealous opponent of the Declaration of Independence the majority of the professional classes in Massachusetts itself, as represented by the eleven hundred who retired with the royal army at the evacuation of Boston and by the other emigrations, on the whole not less than ten thousand, that took refuge in Halifax, Nova Scotia, and England-these were the vindicators not only of the right, but of the duty of the British Parliament not to surrender the colonial dominion as long as it could be retained by policy or by

arms.

To these large bodies of men the imposition of the stamp-duty, however unwelcome, could not have appeared anything strange or novel. Money had been freely voted by the Provincial Assemblies in assistance of British arms in America, and it would have seemed no anomaly that, as long as the colonies were defended from aggression by the imperial power,

the use that was made of American troubles in the disputes and intrigues of English politicians. Ingersoll, the delegate from Virginia, has recorded the scandal of 1767, when Grenville defied the government to tax America. "You are cowards! You are afraid of the Americans!" "Cowards!" replied Charles Townshend; "dare not tax America? I dare tax America." And Grenville, again, after a pause, "Dare you tax America? Í wish to God I could see it!" And Townshend crying, "I will, I will!" No wonder, when such affairs were debated in such a temper, that on both sides the voice of reason was silenced, and every calamity made possible. It is little consolation to cast the eye down the stream of history and to find in 1812 the parallel of these political misdeeds, when the sagacious Randolph called on Congress not to let their own party-feelings guide their foreign politics, and remarked that there were two young men present (Clay and Calhoun) who thought they saw their way to the presidency through a war with England."

66

But if neither the stamp-tax nor the teaduty, nor even the famous "Preamble," were sufficient provocation for a rebellion which aimed at what, in the political estimate of the time, seemed the degradation of Great Britain in the rank of nations, it would be unjust to forget what were the restrictions on the industry, that is to say, on the public wealth, and on the private comfort of the American people; not, in