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nad been deputed to the Third Estate, above charmed with him," when it comes to tha all others, the Comte de Mirabeau. The opi- He is the man of the Revolution, while he nion men had of his genius was singularly lives; king of it; and only with life, as we augmented by the fear entertained of his im- compute, would have quitted his kingship of morality; and yet it was this very immorality it. Alone of all these Twelve Hundred, there which straitened the influence his astonishing is in him the faculty of a king. For, indeed, faculties were to secure him. You could not have we not seen how assiduously Destiny but look long at this man, when once you had had shaped him all along, as with an express noticed him his immense black head of hair eye to the work now in hand? O crabbed old distinguished him among them all; you would Friend of Men, whilst thou wert bolting this have said his force depended on it, like that man into Isles of Rhé, Castles of If, and trainof Samson: his face borrowed new expression ing him so sharply to be thyself, not himself,— from its very ugliness; his whole person gave how little knewest thou what thou wert doing! you the idea of an irregular power, but a Let us add, that the brave old Marquis lived power such as you would figure in a Tribune to see his son's victory over Fate and men, of the People." Mirabeau's history through and rejoiced in it; and rebuked Barrel Mira the first twenty-three months of the Revolution beau for controverting such a Brother Gabriel. falls not to be written here: yet it is well In the invalid chimney-nook at Argenteuil, worth writing somewhere. The Constituent near Paris, he sat raying out curious observaAssembly, when his name was first read out, tions to the last; and died three days before received it with murmurs; not knowing what the Bastille fell, precisely when the Culbute they murmured at! This honourable member Générale was bursting out. they were murmuring over was the member But finally, the twenty-three allotted months of all members; the august Constituent, with- are over. Madame de Staël, on the 4th of May, out him, were no Constituent at all. Very 1789, saw the Roman Tribune of the People, notable, truly, is his procedure in this section and Samson with his long black hair: and on of world-history: by far the notablest single the 4th of April, 1791, there is a Funeral Proelement there: none like to him, or second to cession extending four miles: king's ministers, him. Once he is seen visibly to have saved, senators, national guards, and all Paris,as with his own force, the existence of the torchlight, wail of trombones and music, and Constituent Assembly; to have turned the the tears of men; mourning of a whole people, whole tide of things: in one of those moments-such mourning as no modern people ever which are cardinal; decisive for centuries. saw for one man. This Mirabeau's work then The royal Declaration of the Twenty-third of is done. He sleeps with the primeval giants. June is promulgated: there is military force He has gone over to the majority: Abiit ag enough; there is then the king's express order plures. to disperse, to meet as separate Third Estate on the morrow. Bastilles and scaffolds may In the way of eulogy and dyslogy, and sumbe the penalty for disobeying. Mirabeau dis- ming up of character, there many doubtless be obeys; lifts his voice to encourage others, all a great many things set forth concerning this pallid, panic-stricken, to disobey. Supreme Mirabeau; as already there has been much Usher De Brézé enters, with the king's re-discussion and arguing about him, better and newed order to depart. "Messieurs," said De Brézé, "you heard the king's order?" The Swallower of Formulas bellows out these words, that have become memorable: "Yes, Monsieur, we heard what the king was advised to say; and you, who cannot be interpreter of his meaning to the States-General; you, who Moral reflection first,-that, in these centuries have neither vote nor seat, nor right of speech men are not born demi-gods and perfect chahere, you are not the man to remind us of it. racters, but imperfect ones, and mere blamable Go, Monsieur, tell those who sent you that we men, namely, environed with such short-comare here by will of the Nation; and that no-ing and confusion of their own, and then with thing but the force of bayonets can drive us hence!" And poor De Brézé vanishes,back foremost, the Fils Adoptif says.

worse: which is proper surely; as about all manner of new things, were they much less questionable than this new giant is. The present reviewer, meanwhile, finds it suitabler to restrict himself and his exhausted readers to the three following moral reflections..

such adscititious scandal and misjudgment (got in the work they did,) that they resemble less demi-gods than a sort of god-devils,-very imperfect characters indeed. The demi-god arrangement were the one which, at first sight, this reviewer might be inclined to prefer.

Moral reflection second,-however, that probably men were never born demi-gods in any century, but precisely god-devils as we see; certain of whom do become a kind of demi

But this, cardinal moment though it be, is perhaps intrinsically among his smaller feats. In general, we would say once more with emphasis, He has "humé toutes les formules." He goes through the Revolution like a substance and a force, not like a formula of one. While innumerable barren Sièyeses and Constitutionpedants are building, with such hammering gods! How many are the men, not censured, and troweling, their august paper constitution, (which endured eleven months,) this man looks not at cobwebs and Social-Contracts, but at things and men; discerning what is to be done,-proceeding straight to do it. He shivers out Usher De Brézé, back foremost, when that is the problem. "Marie Antoinette is

misjudged, calumniated only, but tortured, crucified, hung on gibbets,-not as god-devils even, but as devils proper; who have nevertheless grown to seem respectable, or infinitely respectable! For the thing which was not they, which was not any thing, has fallen away piecemeal; and become avowedly babble and

confused shadow, and no-thing: the thing, which | able grim bronze-figure, though it is yet only was they, remains. Depend on it, Harmodius a century and half since; of whom England and Aristogiton, as clear as they now look, seems proud rather than otherwise? had illegal plottings, conclaves at the Jacobins' Church (of Athens); and very intemperate things were spoken, and also done. Thus too, Marcus Brutus and the elder Junius, are they not palpable Heroes? Their praise is in all Debating Societies; but didst thou read what the Morning Papers said of those transactions of theirs, the week after? Nay, Old Noll, whose bones were dug up and hung in chains, here at home, as the just emblem of himself and his deserts, (the offal of Creation, at that time,) has not he too got to be a very respect

Moral reflection third, and last,-that neither thou nor we, good Reader, had any hand in the making of this Mirabeau;-else who knows but we had objected, in our wisdom! But it was the Upper Powers that made him, without once consulting us; they and not we, so and not otherwise! To endeavour to understand a little what manner of Mirabeau he, so made, might be: this we, according to opportunity, have done; and therefore do now, with a lively satisfaction, take farewell of him, and leave him to fare as he can.

PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY OF THE FRENCH
REVOLUTION.*

[LONDON AND WESTMINSTER REview, 1857.]

It appears to be, if not stated in words, yet tacitly felt and understood everywhere, that the event of these modern ages is the French Revolution. A huge explosion bursting through all formulas and customs; confounding into wreck and chaos the ordered arrangements of earthly life; blotting out, one may say, the very firmament and skyey load-stars,-though only for a season. Once in the fifteen hundred years such a thing was ordained to come. To those who stood present in the actual midst of that smoke and thunder, the effect might well be too violent: blinding and deafening, into confused exasperation, almost into madness. These on-lookers have played their part, were it with the printing-press or with the battle-cannon, and are departed: their work, such as it was, remaining behind them;where the French Revolution also remains. And now, for us who have receded to the distance of some half-century, the explosion becomes a thing visible, surveyable: we see its fame and sulphur-smoke blend with the clear air, (far under the stars;) and hear its uproar as part of the sick noise of life,-loud indeed, yet imbosomed too, as all noise is, in the infinite of silence. It is an event which can be looked on; which may still be execrated, still

*Histoire Parlementaire de la Révolution Française, ou Journal des Assemblées Nationales depuis 1789 jusqu'en 1815; contenant la Narration des Evénemens, les Débats, c. &c. (Parliamentary History of the French Revolution, or Journal of the National Assemblies from 1789 to 1815: containing a Narrative of the Occurrences; Debates of the Assemblies; Discussions in the chief

Popular Societies, especially in that of the Jacobins; Records of the Commune of Paris; Sessions of the Revolutionary Tribunal; Reports of the leading Political Trials; Detail of the Annual Budgets; Picture of the Moral Movement, extracted from the Newspapers, Pamphlets, &c., of each Period; preceded by an Introduction on the History of France till the Convocation of the States-General.) By P. J. B. Buchez and P. C. Roux. (Tomes ler-23me et seq.-Paris, 1833-1836.)

be celebrated and psalmodied; but which it were better now to begin understanding. Really there are innumerable reasons why we ought to know this same French Revolution as it was: of which reasons (apart altogether from that of "Philosophy teaching by Experience," and so forth) is there not the best summary in this one reason, that we so wish to know it? Considering the qualities of the matter, one may perhaps reasonably feel that since the time of the Crusades, or earlier, there is no chapter of history so well worth studying.

Stated or not, we say, this persuasion is tacitly admitted, and acted upon. In these days everywhere you find it one of the most pressing duties for the writing guild, to produce history on history of the French Revolu tion. In France it would almost seem as if the young author felt that he must make this his proof-shot, and evidence of craftsmanship: accordingly they do fire off Histoires, Précis of Histoires, Annales, Fastes, (to say nothing of Historical Novels, Gil Blasses, Dantons, Barnaves, Grangeneuves,) in rapid succession, with or without effect. At all events it is curious to look upon: curious to contrast the picturing of the same fact by the men of this generation and position with the picturing of it by the men of the last. From Barruel and Fantin Desodoards to Thiers and Mignet there is a distance! Each individual takes up the Phenomenon according to his own point of vision, to the structure of his optic organs;-gives, consciously, some poor crotchetty picture of several things; unconsciously some picture of himself at least. And the Phenomenon, for its part, subsists there, all the while, unaltered; waiting to be pictured as often as you like, its entire meaning not to be compressed into any picture drawn by man.

Thiers's History, in ten volumes foolscap-| by the latter. The multitude would never octavo, contains, if we remember rightly, one have become supreme, had not civil war and reference; and that to a book, not the page or the coalition of foreign states rendered its inchapter of a book. It has, for these last seven tervention and help indispensable. To defend or eight years, a wide or even high reputa- the country the multitude required to have the tion; which latter it is as far as possible from governing of it: thereupon (alors) it made its meriting. A superficial air of order, of clear- revolution, as the middle class had made its. ness, calm candour, is spread over the work; The multitude too had its Fourteenth of July, but inwardly, it is waste, inorganic: no human which was the Tenth of August; its Constituhead that honestly tries can conceive the ent, which was the Convention; its GovernFrench Revolution so. A critic of our ac- ment, which was the Committee of Slut Pub quaintance undertook, by way of bet, to find lic; but, as we shall see," &c. (Chap. iv., four errors per hour in Thiers: he won amply vol. I., p. 271.) on the first trial or two.* And yet, readers (we must add) taking all this along with them, may peruse Thiers with comfort in certain circumstances, nay, even with profit; for he is a brisk man of his sort; and does tell you much, if you knew nothing.

Mignet's, again, is a much more honestly written book; yet also an eminently unsatisfactory one. His two volumes contain far more meditation and investigation in them than Thiers's ten: their degree of preferability therefore is very high; for it has been said, "Call a book diffuse, and you call it in all senses bad; the writer could not find the right word to say, and so said many more or less wrong ones; did not hit the nail on the head, only smote and bungled about it and about it." Mignet's book has a compactness, a rigour, as if rivetted with iron rods: this also is an image of what symmetry it has;-symmetry, if not of a living earth-born Tree, yet of a firm wellmanufactured Gridiron. Without life, without colour or verdure: that is to say, Mignet's genius is heartily prosaic; you are too happy that he is not a quack as well! It is very mortifying also to study his philosophical reflections: how he jingles and rumbles a quantity of mere abstractions and dead logical formulas, and calls it Thinking;-rumbles and rumbles, till he judges there may be enough; then begins again narrating. As thus:

"The Constitution of 1791 was made on such principles as had resulted from the ideas and the situation of France. It was the work of the middle class, which chanced to be the strongest then; for, as is well known, what ever force has the lead will fashion the institutions according to its own aims. Now this force, when it belongs to one, is despotism; when to several, it is privilege; when to all, it is right: which latter state is the ultimatum of society, as it was its beginning. France had finally arrived thither, after passing through feudalism, which is the aristocratic institution; and then through absolutism, which is the monarchic one.

"The work of the Constituent Assembly perished not so much by its own defects as by the assaults of factions. Standing between the aristocracy and the multitude, it was at tacked by the former, and stormed and won

"Notables consented with eagerness,' (Vol. I..p. 10;) whereas they properly did not consent at all; 'Parliament recalled on the 10th of September,' (for the 15th;) and then Seance Royale took place on the 20th of the same month, (19th of quite a different month, not the same, nor next to the same;) D'Espremenil, a young Counsellor' (of forty and odd ;) Duport, a young man,' (turned of sixty,) &c., &c.

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Or thus; for there is the like at the end of every chapter:

"But royalty had virtually fallen, on the Tenth of August; that day was the insurrection of the multitude against the middle class and constitutional throne, as the Fourteenth of July had been the insurrection of the middle classes against the privileged classes and an absolute throne. The Tenth of August witnessed the commencement of the dictatorial and arbitrary epoch of the Revolution. Circumstances becoming more and more difficult, there arose a vast war, which required increased energy; and this energy, unregulated, inasmuch as it was popular, rendered the sway of the lower class an unquiet, oppressive, and cruel sway." "It was not any way possible that the Lourgeoisie, (middle class,) which had been strong enough to strike down the old government and the privileged classes, but which had taken to repose after this victory, could repulse the Emigration and united Europe. There was needed for that a new shock, a new faith; there was needed for that a new Class, numerous, ardent, not yet fatigued, and which loved its Tenth of August, as the Burgherhood loved its Fourteenth of," &c., &c. (Ch. v., vol. I., p. 371.)

So uncommonly lively are these Abstractions (at bottom only occurrences, similitudes, days of the months, and such like) as rumble here in the historical head! Abstractions really of the most lively, insurrectionary character; nay, which produce offspring, and indeed are oftenest parricidally devoured thereby such is the jingling and rumbling which calls itself Thinking. Nearly so, though with greater effect, might algebraical x's go rumbling in some Pascal's or Babbage's mill. Just so, indeed, do the Kalmuck people pray: quantities of written prayers are put in some rotary pipkin or calabash, (hung on a tree, or going like the small barrel-churn of agricultural districts;) this the devotee has only to whirl and churn; so long as he whirls, it is prayer; when he ceases whirling, the prayer is done. Alas! this is a sore error, very generally, among French thinkers of the present time. One ought to add that Mignet takes his place at the head of that brotherhood of his; that his little book, though abounding too in crrors of detail, better deserves what place it has than any other of recent date.

The older Desodoards, Barruels, Lacretelles, and such like, exist, but will hardly profit much. Toulongeon, a man of talent and in tegrity, is very vague; often incorrect for an eyewitness: his military details used to be

reckoned valuable; but, we suppose, Jomini index: parliamentary speeches, reports, &c.,

has eclipsed them now. The Abbé Montgaillard has shrewdness, decision, insight; abounds in anecdotes, strange facts and reports of facts: his book, being written in the form of Annals, is convenient for consulting. For the rest, he is acrid, exaggerated, occasionally altogether perverse; and, with his hastes and his hatreds, falls into the strangest hallucination; as, for example, when he coolly records that "Madame de Staël, Necker's daughter, was seen (on vit) distributing brandy to the Gardes Françaises in their barracks;" that D'Orleans Egalitè had "a pair of man-skin breeches," leather breeches, of human skin, such as they did prepare in the tannery of Meudon, but too late for D'Orleans. The history by Deux Amis de Liberté (if the reader secure the original edition) is, perhaps, worth all the others, and offers (at least till 1792, after which it becomes convulsive, semifatuous, in the remaining dozen volumes) the best, correctest, most picturesque narrative yet published. It is very correct, very picturesque; wants only fore-shortening, shadow, and compression; a work of decided merit: the authors of it, what is singular, appear not to be known.

Finally, our English histories do likewise abound: copious if not in facts, yet in reflections on facts. They will prove to the most incredulous that this French Revolution was, as Chamfort said, no "rose-water Revolution;" that the universal insurrectionary abrogation of law and custom was managed in a most unlawful, uncustomary manner. He who wishes to know how a solid Custos rotulorum, speculating over his port after dinner, interprets the phenomena of contemporary universal history, may look in these books: he who does not wish that, need not look.

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are furnished in abundance; complete illus tration of all that this Senatorial province (rather a wearisome one) can illustrate. Thirdly, we have to name the "Collection of Memoirs," completed several years ago, in above a hundred volumes. Booksellers Baudouin, Editors Berville and Barrière, have done their utmost; adding notes, explanations, rectifications, with portraits also if you like: Louvet, Riouffe, and the two volumes of "Memoirs on the Prisons" are the most attractive pieces. This Baudouin Collection, therefore, joins itself to that of Petitot, as a natural sequel.

And now a fourth work, which follows in the train of these, and deserves to be reckoned along with them, is this "Histoire Parlementaire" of Messieurs Buchez and Roux. The authors are men of ability and repute: Buchez, if we mistake not, is Dr. Buchez, and practises medicine with acceptance; Roux is known as an essayist and journalist: they once listened a little to Saint Simon, but it was before Saint Simonism called itself "a religion," and vanished in Bedlam. We have understood there is a certain bibliomaniac military gentleman in Paris, who in the course of years has amassed the most astonishing collection of revolutionary ware: books, pamphlets, newspapers, even sheets and handbills, ephemeral printings and paintings, such as the day brought them forth, lie there without end. Into this warehouse (as into all manner of other repositories) Messrs. Buchez and Roux have happily found access: the "Histoire Parlementaire" is the fruit of their labours there. A number (two forming a volume) is published every fortnight: we have the first twenty-two volumes before us, which bring down the narrative to January, 1793; there must be several other volumes out, which we have not yet seen. a judicions compilation with such resources. Parliamentary Debates, in summary, or (where the occasion warrants it) given at large; this is by no means the most interesting part of the matter we have excerpts, notices, hints of all imaginaole sorts; of newspapers, of pamphlets, of Sectionary and Municipal records, of the Jacobins' club, of placard-journals, nay, of placards and caricatures. No livelier emblem of the time, in its actual movement and tumult, could be presented. The

Conceive

On the whole, after all these writings and printings, the weight of which would sink an Indiaman, there are, perhaps, only some three publications hitherto that can be considered as forwarding essentially a right knowledge of this matter. The first of these is the "Analyse du Moniteur," (complete expository Index, and Syllabus of the Moniteur newspaper from 1789 to 1799;) a work carrying its significance in its title;-provided it be faithfully executed; which it is well known to he. Along with this we may mention the series of portraits, a hundred in number, pub-editors connect these fragments by expositions lished with the original edition of it: many of them understood to be accurate likenesses. The natural face of a man is often worth more than several biographies of him, as biographies are written. These hundred portraits have been copied into a book called "Scènes de la Revolution," (which contains other pictures, of small value, and some not useless writing by Chamfort;) and are often to be found in libraries. A republication of Vernet's Caricatures would be a most acceptable service, but has not been thought of hitherto. The second work to be counted here is the "Choix des Rapports, Opinions, et Discours," in some twenty volumes, with an excellent

See Mercier's Nouveau Paris, vol. iv. p. 254.

such as are needful; so that a reader coming unprepared to the work can still know what he is about. Their expositions, as we can testify, are handsomely done: but altogether apart from these, the excerpts themselves are the valuable thing. The scissors, in such a

It is generally known that a similar collection, perhaps still larger and more curious lies (buried) in the British Museum here-inaccessible for want of a proper catalogue. Some eighteen months ago, the respectable sub-librarian seemed to be working at such a thing: by respectful application to him, you could gain access to his room, and have the satisfaction of mounting on ladders, and reading the outside titles of his books, which was a great help. Otherwise you could not in many weeks ascertain so much as the table of contents of this repository; and, after days of weary waiting, dusty rummaging, and sickness of hope deferred, gave up the enterprise as a "game not worth the candle."

case, are independent of the pen. One of the most interesting English biographies we have is that long thin folio on Oliver Cromwell, published some five-and-twenty years ago, where the editor has merely clipt out from the contemporary newspapers whatsoever article, paragraph, or sentence he found to contain the name of Old Noll, and printed them in the order of their dates. It is surprising that the like has not been attempted in other cases. Had seven of the eight translators of Faust, and seventy times seven of the four hundred four-score and ten Imaginative Authors, but thrown down the writing instrument, and turned to the old newspaper files judiciously with the cutting one!

give this tragedy of old Foulon, which all the world has heard of, perhaps not very accurately. Foulon's life-drama, with its hasty cruel sayings and mean doings, with its thousandfold intrigues, and "the people eating grass if they like," ends in this miserable manner. It is the editors themselves who speak; compiling from various resources:—

"Towards five in the morning, (Paris, 22d July, 1789,) M. Foulon was brought in; he had been arrested at Vitry, near Fountainbleau, by the peasants of the place. Doubtless this man thought himself very guilty towards the people," (say, very hateful;) "for he had spread abroad a report of his death; and had even buried one of his servants, who happened to die then, under his own name. He had afterwards hidden himself in an estate of M. de Sartines;" where he was detected and seized.

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We can testify, after not a little examination, that the editors of the "Histoire Parlementaire" are men of fidelity, of diligence; that their accuracy in regard to facts, dates, "M. Foulon was taken to the Hotel de Ville, and so forth, is far beyond the average. Of where they made him wait. Towards nine course they have their own opinions, prepos- o'clock the assembled Committee had decided sessions even but these are honest prepos- that he should be sent to the Abbaye prison. sessions, which they do not hide; which one M. de Lafayette was sent for, that he might can estimate the force of, allow for the result execute this order; he was abroad over the of. Wilful falsification, did the possibility of Districts: he could not be found. During it lie in their character, is otherwise out of this time a crowd collected in the square; and the question. But, indeed, our editors are required to see Foulon. It was noon: M. men of earnestness, of strict principle; of a Bailly came down; the people listened to him; faith, were it only in the republican Tricolor. but still persisted. In the end they penetrated Their democratic faith, truly, is palpable, into the great hall of the Hotel de Ville; would thorough-going; as it has a right to be, in see Foulon, whom,' say, they, you are wantthese days, since it likes. The thing you have ing to smuggle off from justice.' Foulon was to praise, however, is that it is a quiet faith, presented to them. Then began this remarkanever an hysterical one; never expresses it- ble dialogue. M. de la Poize, an Elector:self otherwise than with a becoming calm-Messieurs, every guilty person should be ness, especially with a becoming brevity. judged.' 'Yes, judged directly, and then The hoarse deep croak of Marat, the brilliant hanged.' M. Osselin: To judge, one must sharp-cutting gayety of Desmoulins, the dull have judges; let us send M. Foulon to the bluster of Prudhomme, the cackling garrulity tribunals.' 'No, no,' replied the people, 'judge of Brissot, all is welcomed with a cold gravity him just now.' Since you will not have the and brevity; all is illustrative, if not of one common judges,' said M. Osselin, it is indisthing then of another. Nor are the Royalists pensable to appoint others. Well, judge Royous, Suleaus, Peltiers, forgotten; "Acts of him yourselves.' 'We have no right either the Apostles," "King's Friend," nor "Crow- to judge or to create judges; name them youring of the Cock:" these, indeed, are more selves.' 'Well,' cried the people, M. le Cure sparingly administered; but at the right time, of Saint Etienne then, and M. le Cure of as is promised, we shall have more. In a Saint-Andre.' Osselin :-Two judges are not word, it may be said of this "Histoire Parle- enough; there needs seven.' Thereupon the mentaire," that the wide promise held out in people named Messrs. Quatremere, Varangue, its title page is really, in some respectable &c. Here are seven judges indeed,' said Os measure, fulfilled. With a fit index to wind selin, but we still want a clerk.' 'Be you it up, (which index ought to be not good only clerk.' A king's Attorney. Let it be M. but excellent, so much depends on it here,) Duveyrier.' 'Of what crime is M. Foulon acthis work bids fair to be one of the most im-cused?' asked Duveyrier. 'He wished to portant yet published on the History of the Revolution. No library, that professes to have a collection in this sort, can dispense with it. A "Histoire Parlementaire" is precisely the house, or say, rather, the unbuilt city, of which the single brick can form a specimen. In so rich a variety the only difficulty is where to choose. We have scenes of tragedy, of comedy, of farce, of farce-tragedy, oftenest of all; there is eloquence, gravity; there is bluster, bombast, and absurd ty: scenes tender, scenes barbarous, spirit stirring, and then flatly wearisome: a thing waste, incoherent, wild to look upon; but great with the greatness of reality; for the thing exhibited is no vision but a fact Let us, as the first excerpt,

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harass the people; he said he would make them eat grass; he was in the plot; he was for national bankruptcy; he bought up corn.' The two curates then rose, and declared that they refused to judge; the laws of the church not permitting them. They are right,' said some; they are cozening us,' said others, and the prisoner all the while is making his escape.' At these words there rose a frightful tumult in the Hall. Messieurs,' said an Elector, 'name four of yourselves to guard him.' Four men accord ingly were chosen; sent into the neighbouring apartment, where Foulon was. But will you judge then?' cried the crowd. Messieurs, you see there are two judges wanting. We name M. Bailly and M. Lafayette.' 'But M.

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