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Yet here per

proceeding, with other exceptionable ones, is cordially commended. Even the partition of Poland, a measure unjustifiable in every view, is passed over as a political design; and Dr. Gillies is more eager to point out the advantages than to censure the iniquity of the attempt. But, as we have formerly given a short abstract of the Memoirs of Frederick, from the History of his own Period, we shall rather attend to that part which is more certainly original: we mean the Parallel between Frederick and Philip of Macedon.

Each was undoubtedly confined to a narrow spot environed with powerful neighbours, obliged to trust to his own exercions, for defence or conqueft: each attempted conquests, and succeeded; for each was original, enterprizing, and inventive ; each was brave, able, and polite. Philip excelled in eloquence; Frederick in dexterous negociation : Philip, as well as Frederick, knew how to conceal his measures and designs till the storm was ready to burst. The Macedonian and the German were alike favoured by circumstances, by the corruption, the effeminacy, and the divisions of the neighbouring states against whom their forces were directed; and were alike able to employ, what we have called the most powerful despotism, the influence of Itrong minds over weak ones. haps the parallel ends. Philip was artful and unprincipled, perfidious and unjust. Frederick kept every engagement which he entered into scrupulously : his word was the securest bond, which he was never known to violate. His attempt on Silesia had the appearance, we think more than the

appearance, justice: his division of Poland we have styled, and it certainly was, unjustifiable. The politician may pretend, that while this devoted kingdom was protected by one power, and preyed on by another, it could call nothing its own; for, in modern politics, a protector and a conqueror differ but in terms. This apology cannot, however, fatisfy the moralist, who judges by a stricter code than that which the politician employs.

We have given the outline of the Parallel, Rearly according to the sentiments of Dr. Gillies, who does not point out the contrast in a moral view. Perhaps he considered Frederick's unprovoked attacks on Austria, and his infidious conduct refpeeting Poland, as sufficient compensations for all the injustice, all the perfidy of Philip. We mult, however, fully agree with Dr. Gillies in the following passage:

• The parallel here drawn is remarkable, not only for the cxaciness of its correspondence, but for the greatness of its extent. Berween great generals and great statesmen, it is easy to find a resemblance; and the ambition of one prince is often the ambition of

another.

of

another. But to compare Philip and Frederick, is to delineate two men, whose individual characters would supply copious ma:erials for a large volume of illuitrious lives. Directing the minute indur. try of his penfants, and directing the operations of the fiege of Schweidnitz, refacing the system of nature, and repelling marefchal Daun, composing the preface to the Henriade, and setling the peace of Germany ;-Frederick engaged in thele and many other seemingly incompatible occupations, appears rather a creature of fancy than a real existence, not one man, but an epitome of human industry. By the confession of Demosthenes, who surely wished not to exalt the merit of Philip, it sequired the gracefulness of Ariftodemus, the wit of Philocrates, and, as he filently infinuates, his own eloquence, 10 form a parallel to the Macedonian prince. Yet how many accomplishments of that prince fill remained untold, to which none of those celebrated Athenians could lay claiin? His invincible foriitude, his unremitting vigilance, his unalterable presence of mind amidst the greatest difficulties and dangers ; in one word, that great and complex art, the art likewise of Frederick, of converting a barbarous and despised district into a powerful and respected kingdom. The parallel between the ancient and modern monarch is the more deserving therefore of attention, on account of the unexampled variety of circumttances of which it confifts; and this variety again, considered abstractedly, forms itselt the most interesting link in the whole chain of comparison.'

We shall transcribe but one other paragraph:

• Eager to promote the advancement of those arts which embellish social life and secure the immotal renown of princes by whom they are honoured, both Philip and Frederick discovered, perhaps with too little respect for the public opinion, an ineffable disdain for those doubtful yet presumptuous sciences, which often change their principles, but never vary their ob. ject; which continually alter in form, but lever improve in Tublance; and which the artifices of their profeffors, and the ftupidity of the million, perpetuate from one age to another, always flattering hope, and always disappointing expectation. The quackery of phyfic, the chicane of law, the gro's delufions of popular superstition, were continual themes of ridicule with the Prussian monarch, who, though he appeared as the champion of the protestant cause against the bigotry of the house of Austria, as Philip had been appointed the minister of Apollo's vengeance again it the impious Phocians, yer despied as much as did the Macedonian prince, the coarse engines with which he condescended to operate on vulyar credulity. Of his reign throughout, it was the invariable aim to fimplify the principles, and abridge the proceedings, of law; and notwith1tanding the perverseness of his education, and the contagious company of French infidels, he still admired the modest yet

sublime

sublime genius of primitive Christianity, and laboured to diminish the influence of priestcraft, its worst enemy.'

We must conclude with again recommending Dr. Gillies' work. His plan is clear, his descriptions perspicuous, and his reflections judicious. This volume is a pleasing manual, which will enable the readers to peruse the king's own works with pleasure, and to return to them with advantage.

2 Vols. 4to.

The Aggrandisement and National Perfe&tion of Great Britain;

An humble Proposal, comprebending, under one fimple and practicable Undertaking, without laying additional Burdens upon the Subject, the Means of paying off the Public Debt of Great Britain within the Space of Thirly Years. By George Edwards, Esq. M. D.

11. 55. Debrett. THI

HE subject of this work is of a nature so arduous and com

plicated, that, had the author taken only a general view of the means which he proposes for the aggrandisement of Great Britain, he would have performed a great undertaking: but we find him descending into a copious detail of his extensive syitem, and indeed with such a minuteness as would far exceed the limits of a Review, to trace with any adequate precision. We must therefore confine ourselves to giving the outlines of his proposal; but not without acknowledging the extraordinary attention, and almost enthusiattic zeal, with which he has prosecuted the subject.

From the opinion which Dr. Edwards expresses of the deplorable fate of the nation, we should imagine that he hed formed his eitimate about the close of the American war, when public affairs, undoubtedly, bore a very gloomy appearance. But, though that juncture may have afforded the first hint of his sentiments, he seems not to have retracted them at a later period, even while he acknowledges, as he does very explicitly, the falutary effects of several measures pursued by the present ad. ministration, Some readers may perhaps think, that the author has industriously represented the situation of Great Britain as highly unfavourable, with the view of rendering his own proposals more important and useful. The fact, however, seems to be, that he has, in some cases, been led into those sentiments by comparing the state of the nation with the standard of political and moral perfeaion, as existing in his own mind.

The first object of this author's proposals is the establishment of a general police, to be extended through the kingdom. The following extract will give our readers some idea of his plan, in the delineation of which a great part of the work is employed. • I propose under the following divisions :

d. That in the first place a dittribution of the kingdom, fall take place icto districts of convenient dimensions, which we shall fuppofe in general to contain one hundred square miles, or to be, to speak in generai terims, ten miles long, and ten broad: in order that each district of the kingdom, and thus, collectively the whole kingdom may be properly attended to, and directed under the manage nent of a wife and adequate police; may according to their different capacities be in every refpe&t meiorated, cultivated and improved, rendered rich and prosperous, fertile and productive, and made to contribute according to their abilities and powers to augment the strength, natural resources, fplendour, and honour of the kingdom; and permit the revenue to be raised by more advantageous ways and means for the public, and less oppressive for private individuals; and be the means of establishing and accomplishing a more mo. ralized society, greater public happiness, and the national per. fection; so far as human abilities can operate, so far as created nature will receive and permit suitable exertions to be made for these purposes upon a solid basis.

* B. That a proper person, whom I propose to call the diftriét steward, fhail with proper afliitance act on behalf of each district, into which the kingdom may be distributed, in the mapner, and for accomplishing the ends and purposes above men. tioned under letter A. That as an agent he mall direct and manage his refpective district, fo as by the moft effectual me. thods to serve any promote its interests and those of the public; whe:her by executing such buliness as the determination of parliament has already or may hereafter enjoin the police to perforin, whether hy inducing the inhabitants of the police spon. taneously to attend to what is their own advantage and to promo!c their own intereis, or by making proper reports to the board of civilization 1001 to be explained of what is injurious or beneficial to the district or any part therof, in which he is placed, and by this means giving useful information to persons of fupcrior abiiti', power, and wisdom, in order that they may lay he contents of it before the parliament, it this be necessary. That he thall be appoin'ed in a proper manner, fo as not to affect the interciis, rights, and privileges of either the crown or people, as will be hereafter considered. That he shall be stationary in the cen er or the most interesting part of his district; and that as buliness may require, he hall have sufficient aflitiance.

"That a fupcrior district ileward fo to be called, shall be avpo'nted as a fuperintendant over such a nuinber of districts and antica tiewards, as he can attend to, for the purpose of oblening, that the latter discharge their duties in a strict manne', 8

attend

attend properly to the interests of their several respective dirtricts, and promote the general views of the proposed police,

C. That the inhabitants in general of the district, who come within the rank or characters of gentlemen in any respect, being qualified by the poffeffion of a certain property, and by other denominations hereafter to be conlidered ; and whom I propose to be styled district check commiffioners, shall be incorporated as a part of my police for the following purposes; to inspect the fate, advantages, and defects of their respective diftricis; to promote, or allist in carrying into effect, all such measures as parliament may direct to be executed by the police; to observe in what manner the district steward cxecutes the bufine!s entrusted to him, his demeanour, and behaviour; and how in general he discharges his duty, whether faithfully, adequately, and effectually, or contrariwise, to the trust repoled in him; and in a particular manner to inspect his attendances, entries, and accounts, so far as it may be proper and answer a good purpole: to prove a regular and unintermitted instigation and controul upon the steward, and all other officers and members of the police within the district, instigating them to discharge their respective duties in the most laudable manner, and being to certain a controul as to prevent them from neglecting or abuting them; to correspond and communicate with the board of civilization, hereafter to be explained by a regular channel of information, and transmit to it an account of whatever may serve the interests of the districts; and as so good a purpore must be on various occasions, answered by their having the inspection and controul over the accounts of the district fee wards, by means of committees, and general meetings, to approve of and sign them before they are transinitted to the board, but to refuse where they observe objections, and report these to the board ; and in fine, to be very strenuous in discharging this part of their duty, and taking proper measures in every respect to serve their particular district and their country.'

We have already intimated, that the extreme minuteness of the author's arrangements must necessarily preclude any obs servations; which, we trust, it will be evident, would be no less superfluous than uninteresting. Let us then follow him to the next object of his political speculation. This relates to the maintenance of the poor; concerning which, Mr. Edwards, very juftly, condemns almost the whole of the present establishment. He proposes that this part of the national police should undergo a thorough reformation, according to a plan which he describes; and affirms, what we have no hesitation in believing to be well founded, that a million sterling might be annually saved to the nation by such a reform. This surplus, the author proposes, should be applied to the discharge of the public debt; for the more speedy liquidation

of

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