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perceived the poison which they frequently contain ; trusting to the moral, which often operates faintly, and many will not attend to, he has allowed himself to relate facts and describe scenes, which the vicious only will regard, and, under the auspices of virtue, may undermine and fascinate even the best refolutions. His works, merely philofophical, can do no great injury: though our author loves humanity, man, in society, is his averfion; yet his reasoning, we believe, never drove any one to the banks of the Missisippi or the Ohio. The angle of the conflux of these mighty rivers might furnish an admirable retreat for a philosopher of this kind ; and, in a series of ages, it will perhaps afford the site of the first commercial city in the universe. But to return.

The baroness seems to admire Rousseau; and, though not blind to his fingularities and his illusions, feems occafionally inclined to admire and defend even bis failings. She delineates Rousseau's character from his works : we shall begin with it. In his confeßions this lady thinks that he drew from himself; that, conscious of his own goodness, he was not afraid of describing his faults, or that, in reality, to him they did not seem faults.

• Rouffeau must have had a figure not remarkable on a tranfient view, but which could never be forgotten when once he had been observed speaking, He had little eyes which had no expression of themselves, but successively received that of the different impulsions of the mind. His eyebrows were very prominent, and seemed proper to serve his moroseness, and hide him from the light of men. His head was for the most part hung down, but it was neither fattery nor fear that had lower. ed it; meditation and melancholy had weighed it down like a flower bent by the storm or its own weight. When he was fi. lent, his phyfiognomy had no expression ; neither his thoughts por affections were apparent in his visage, except when he took part in conver!ation ; but the moment he ceased speaking, they retired to the bottoin of his heart. His features were common; but when he spoke they all acquired the greatest animation. He resembled the gods which Ovid describes to us, fometimes quitting by degrees their terrestrial disguise, and at length discovering themselves by the brilliant rayas emanating from their countenance.'

His mind was now, and his opinions were the result of reflection rather than quick impressions : his genius was creative when left to operate without impediment or controul, and this habit of reflection, with a prepoffeffion that all mankind was combined againit him, gave that fable hue to all his opinions, and all his actions. • Trifles light as air, were to him confirm. ations strong as proofs of holy writ. Our author is of opinion, page 102, that imagination was his greateft faculty, and ab3



forbed all the ref: The adds, in the page next but one, that, though Rousseau was not a madman, of his faculties, his imagination, was insane :' again, in page 116, she observes, that he could be passionately fond of nothing but illufions.' All thefe confeffions amount, we think, very nearly to insanity. The baroness seems to believe that his death was a voluntary one ; and, though she is contradicted by the countess de Vassy, who was near Ermonville, and had consequently the best information, the observations, joined to Rousseau's difpofition, render the supposition very probable. If we were to give a fhort character of Rousseau, we should say, that he poffefred every excellent quality of the mind except judgment; that his perception and his imagination were acute and vivid ; his reflections close and pointed. So far as these went he was supreme; but these qualities, without strong judgment, would lead to paradoxes, to fancies, to fophiftry, perhaps to suicide. Add to all, a morbid conftitutional melancholy, which clothed every thing in a gloomy veil, and we shall find a Rousseau, in the world, querulous, impatient, petulant, and captious; vet, left to himself, brilliant, inventive, interesting, inftructive.

The remarks on Rousseau's different works, form a kind of continued commentary. We have already given the baroness's opinion of the author and his productions. We shall consequently conclude our article with a specimen of the style of her criticisms, which is in general so animated and pleasing as to make her work very entertaining. The paffage which we shall transcribe relates to the New Heloise; and the defence is a very ingenious one.

• He has described a woman married against her inclinations; having for her husband nothing but efteem, and bearing in her heart the remembrance of former happiness and love for another obje&t; paffing her whole life, nor in that vortex of the great world, wherein a woman may forget her husband and lover, which permits not any thought or sentiment to reign, extinguilhes all paffion, and restores calm by confusion, and repose by agitation ; bur in absolute retirement, alone with M. de Wolmar, in the country, near to nature, and by nature diso posed to all the sentiments of the heart which it either inspires or presents to the imagination. It is in this situation Rouileau has described to us Julia, creating to herself a felicity from virtue; happy by the happiness the confers upon her husband, and by the education the intends to give her children ; happy by the effect of her example upon those about her, and in the consolation the finds in her confidence in God. This happi. ness is undoubtedly of another kind; it is more melıncholy; it may be rafted of and tears ftill med; but it is more proper for beings who are but trantient upon the earth which they inhabit; after enjoyment is lost without regrer; it is an habitual happi. pels which we entirely poffefs unabated either by fear or reflection; finally, it is one in which devout minds find all the des lights love proinises to others. Ii iš this pure sentiment, des fcribed with so many charms, that renders the novel moral, and which would have made it more so than any other had Julia always presented us, not as the ancients have faid, viriue ftruggling with misfortune, but with passion, still more terrible ; and if this pure and unspotted virtue had not lost a part of its charni by resembling repentance.'

- Julia Nill remains to be justified in not having avowed her fault to M. Wolmar. To have revealed it before her mar. riage would have been a certain means to render the marriage impoffible, and to disappoint her father. After an indiffoluble tie had attached her to M. de Wolmar, to destroy the esteem he had for her would have been riiking his happiness. I know not but the sacrifice of her delicacy to the tranquillity of another may + ven be worthy of great admiration. Virtues which in the eyes of mankind differ not from vices are the most difficult to exercise. Is not a confidence in the purity of our intentions, and the elevation of ourselves above the reach of opis nion, the character of a disinterested love of that which is good ? Yet how should I admire the emotion which gave birth to the resolution to avow all! This I with pleasure observe in JuJia, and at the same time I applaud Roussea!!, who thought it not enough to oppose in the same per on reflection to inclination, but that another person was necessary; that Claire Mould take

upon herself to diffuade Julia from discovering her fault to M. de Wolmar, that Julia might preferve all the charın of her sentiment, and appear rather to be withheld than capable of restraining herself. Whatever the general opinion may be upon this point, it is at least true, that when Rousseau is deceiv. ed, it is for the most part in attaching himself to a moral idea, rather than to one of another kind; it is between the virtues hc chooses, and the preference he gives that he is alone open to attack, or capable of being defended.'

Oeuvres Pofthumes de Frederic II. Roi de Prufe, en 15 Times.

8vo. Berlin. Voss et Fils, Decker et Fils. Oeuvres Pofthumes de Frederic II. Roi de Prufe. Partie 1. II.

Tom. I. II. The History of my own Times. Part I. II. Vols. I. II. 78.

each in Boards. Robinsons.

(Continued from p. 55.) HE second volume commences with the events of the year

1743 and 1744, as well as of those circumstances which preIceded the Prusian war. The king begins with apologifing for the apparent folecism which he committed of confiding in a reconciled foe, by observing, that, as his object was the con



quest of Silesia, his resources were not sufficient to enable him to cope long with a powerful kingdom ; nor was it necessary. as he had obtained his purpose, and as it was not likely that France and Austria could be quickly reconciled. Fleuri died soon after, a minifter, in the king's opinion, who was praised too much during his life, and blamed too much after his death ; without the haughtiness of Richlieu, or the fubtilty of Mazarine, his æconomical spirit healed the wounds which the war of the succession and the system of Law had inflicted, while his talents in negociation preserved the kingdom in prosperity, and acquired the rich province of Lorraine. The dawn of the empress of Germany's good fortune, the retreat of Bellifle from Prague, the affairs in the Baltic, and des figo of George Il. to crush the French, already weakened, are next detailed. Prederick's plan would have been destroyed by this laft attempt, and every representation which he could make was employed; but George, 'from his inveterate hatred to the French nation,' was inexorable. The battle of Dettingen, followed, and is described fomewhat differently from the account historians have given of it. Lord Stair, it is said, committed the blunder which prevented the supply of forage ; and the king's removal to Aschaffenbourg is reported only to have been an insufficient measure to repair the negligence: in effect, however, it is represented as a faulty position. The battle followed of course, and the defeat of the French is attributed to the movements of the duke de Grammont and the count of Harcourt, to take the allies in fiank, which prevented the effect of the batteries that were to play on the rear; as well as to the activity of an Austrian regiment, which took advantage of the confusion among the French troops, when they found numerous lines, occafion-ed by the necessity of a narrow front. There are many marks of partiality in this account: in reality, a fingle cir* cumftance would determine the king of Prussia's bias. When George's horse was frighted, he obferves, that the king of England fought on foot, at the head of his English forces. Afterwards, he says, that George stood during the whole time at the head of the Hanoverian battalion, in the posture of a fencing-master, who is just pushing in carte. The rest of the campaign was spent in fruitless negociations, or pretences of treaties; and the affairs of Ruslia, whose power the Austrians wished to bring to their affittance, as they had drawn with ada vantage the king of Sardinia to their party, are also detailed. The king's desire of obtaining peace, and of alifting the emperor, he tells us, led him to Germany, to obtain what aid he could from the Germanic body. In the mean time, his own VoL, LXVIII. Auguft, 1789.

L works

works of peace, as well as of defence, in case of war, went on rapidly. The conclusion of the year 1743, we shall transcribe from Mr. Holcroft: it is translated advantageously and accurately.

• Thus ended the year 1743. All Europe was busied in wars and cabals, the cabinets of princes were more active than their armies ; the cause of war was changed; its first end was the support of the house of Austria, its next was projects of conquest. England began to gain an afcendency in the balance of power, which prognosticated nothing but misfortune to France. The fortitude of the empress.queen degenerated into obstinacy, and the apparent generolicy of the king of England into a contemp:ible interest for his electorate. Russia was still at ptace. The king of Prullia, ever occupied in keeping an equilibrium between the belligerent powers, hoped to obtain this purpose, . sometimes by amicable infinuations, sometimes by threats, and fometimes even by oftentation. But what are the projects of inan ? To him the future is hidden : he knows not what shall happen to-morrow. How may he foresee events which a chain of secondary causes may within six months produce ? Circumstances often oblige him to act contrary to his intention ; and, in the flux and reflux of fortune, prudence has only to conform, to act with confiltency, and never to lose light of her lyftem : it is impollible the Mould foresee all events.'

The ninth chapter contains the negociations of 1744, and is, in reality, a continuation of the latt. The leading feature of it is the secret alliance between Auftria, England, and Saxony, which certainly brought on the ensuing war. The fecond article, that guaranties to each the territories they ought to poless, especially as it was explained by references to treaties existing previous to the conqueit of Silesia, awakened the king's jealousy.

The tenth chapter contains the campaigns in Italy, Flan. ders, and the Rhine, as well as the campaign of the king. The campaigns in Italy and Flanders are neither brilliant nor interesting ; but we must not pass over the incidental mention of the projected descent on England from Dunkirk. The king seems to be of opinion, that the only object was to weaken the army on the Rhine, though cardinal Tencin appears to have had a serious design of placing · Prince Edward' (Charles) on the throne of England, in return for the cardinal's hat which he received in consequence of the nomination of James : it was the least return which the pope could make for that prince's renunciation of three kingdoms, in consequence of his attachment to the mass. When the king of Prussia was called on by England for his contingency, he promised to come at the head of 30,000 men to the alistance of the king; but the offer was suspicious, for the reinforcement was too large.

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