THE MONTHLY MISCELLANY. VOL. II. FEBRUARY, 1840. No. 2. HOW ARE THE GREAT EVILS OF THE WORLD TO BE REMOVED? THERE is so much to be done before Christianity can be made to effect all the good which it has promised and which it is capable of effecting, that some persons are almost inclined to despair of its efficiency, and doubt whether the world can ever become much better than it is. Others, who are still confident in the triumph of goodness, are yet led by the same causes to adopt very opposite notions of the methods by which it is to be brought about, and even of the part which Christianity is to have in effecting it. Some suppose religion to be only one among many agencies which are gradually combining to meliorate the condition of humanity; they suppose it to be of little service, excepting as it falls in with, and is aided by, the humanizing influences of letters, art, philosophy, and the other agents which are slowly leading society forward. They, therefore, suppose that very little can be done to hasten the progress, that it depends on causes out of the reach of a human touch, and that no activity can accelerate a consummation which is in the hands of nature and providence. Others, on the contrary, suppose Christianity to be the great effectual instrument, without which all others must fail, and which must be zealously put in action by human minds and hands in order to its effecting its purposes. It is not, they say, by being let alone, to work its own way, that the Gospel ever did or can effect its great moral changes. Paul, and Luther, and its other chief agents, did what they did by agitating; and although its indirect and secondary effects are powerful, they never could be equal of themselves to the regeneration of the world, or even to raise the standard higher in the Christian community; indeed, if it were left to its secondary action, it would not fail to fade away and gradually disappear. It would not be difficult to show that the latter is the true view; and that those who satisfy themselves with the former, are taking the certain course to nullify the power of Christianity and extinguish its future influence on the world. There are evils in society,-great, crying, inveterate evils,-which have thus far withstood all the indirect influences of Christianity, and seem to be as firmly fixed in the midst of Christendom as if the Gospel favored them. The secondary action of divine truth is too feeble to affect them. They stand like heaps of snow in the moonshine, which defy the reflected light of that planet, but melt away in the direct rays of the sun. If they are ever to be removed, it must be by the immediate and direct, not the reflected and indirect, power of Christian truth. They must be brought under its express action. As we see daily that a man may live in the midst of a Christian community and yet remain a selfish, worldly, unsanctified man, because he does not apply to himself the principles which prevail around him; so sinful customs may prevail in the midst of a moral community, simply because no application is made to them of the principles which generally prevail. This may be distinctly seen in the case of the three most extensive and giant social evils,-Intemperance, Slavery and War. Instead of being removed by the indirect moral and religious influences which prevail, it happens, on the contrary, that society, acting by its authorised agents, regards and treats them as a part of its established economy, to be sustained by its laws and yielding certain benefits to the state. It appears not to dream of their extinction, any more than of the extinction of commerce. It deals with them as intrinsic and essential elements of the social order, and legislates about them as soberly as about education or manufactures. This remark is less true of intemperance than of the other two evils; but until lately even intemperance was scarcely known to the law except as an item of commerce and revenue-licensed, taxed, and authorised, excepting in those instances in which it led to some other gross evils. Slavery is treated by the law as so much property, a portion of the national wealth, protected in the statute books, and registered in all the statistical tables as one of the items of the national prosperity. War is constantly kept in view in all provisions for the national well-being, and provided for, even in time of peace, by an expenditure greater than is appropriated to any other subject. And the rewards of the public honour are certainly not withheld from a man who has become wealthy by manufacturing or retailing what has beggared hundreds, or who is affluent by the toil of slaves, or who has made thousands desolate in the butcheries of battle. What we say then is, that here are these three great scourges of the race, these overflowing and inexhaustible fountains of misery and crime, not only unchecked by the general diffusion of Christianity, but so situated in the midst of the community as even to command protection and challenge honour; and there can be no prospect of banishing them, except by making a strenuous application to them of the direct prohibition of the religious and moral law. They have thus far defied the vague and generalizing way in which duty is addressed to conscience; and may continue to do so forever. The man whose regular business promotes intemperance, the slaveholder, the warrior, may, on general principles and on all subjects but one, be a conscientious, tender-hearted, and just man; that he is not so on that one subject, is only because he has not made immediate application of those general principles to the case in hand. So too the community may, on general principles, be pervaded by a public opinion enlightened, generous, humane; and yet, from habit, or inattention, or interest, may allow the most serious evils to continue, because it does not apply to them the same principles which decide its judgment in other affairs. Until this shall be done, no considerable change or progress can be expected. This is strikingly exemplified in the case of Intemperance. The Gospel was preached, civilization advanced, manners became refined, and temperance was on the acknowledged list of social and Christian virtues. Yet intemperance daily increased, and grew into a terrific plague. The general opinion on the subject and the general discountenance of religion failed to check the evil. The check was at last given and the plague began to be stayed, only when it occurred to Christian men to bring their Christian principles to bear actively and strongly on this very subject. When this was done, there arose a correct appreciation of the real state of affairs; the character and degree of its inconsistency with the Divine Law and a well-principled community became evident. The reform must be carried perfectly through, by a continuance of the same method; by applying the power and authority of Christianity, in every way, directly as well as indirectly, to the consciences of the deluded and the vile, and to the removal of the causes of temptation and corruption. Let there be this thorough DIRECT ACTION of the religious principle, and the evil will soon disappear. That it dares yet show its miscreant front in the face of day, is an evidence how far we are from being governed by the religion we profess. If we were, it would be Christian America, and not Pagan China, that would now be exhibiting the sublime spectacle of the fathers of the people pouring into the bosom of the ocean the great instrument of social demoralization. But alas, Christendom separates its morality from its politics; and is far more earnest to watch over the increasing wealth of the people than to guard them against immorality and corruption. Take the next instance,- Slavery. How is it that this has existed and been extended, notwithstanding that this is a Christian nation? For the reason just named,—that Christendom separates its politics from morality, and protects the wealth rather than the virtue or the true happiness of the people. But it is evident that if the Christianity which is professed were honestly applied to this subject, it could not stand before it for a day; since no two ideas can be presented to the mind more utterly irreconcilable than Christianity and slavery. Christianity is the doctrine of human equality before God, and the law of universal justice and benevolence; which denies all selfishness, and makes every man master of himself and of his rights. But the most simple and obvious definition of slavery is, the depriving a man of all his rights;-of his right to liberty, for he is a slave; of his right to property, for he is property himself; to his wife, for she is his master's; to his children, for they are his master's; to education, for the means are refused him; to his life, for he is at the mercy of a task-master to wear him out or to starve him; to every thing that man can look to, except the mercy of Almighty God. And does any one suppose that CHRISTIANITY allows this? Can any one believe that Christianity, with its lessons of freedom and brotherhood and love, could pervade society, and yet leave a single human creature in such dreadful desolation? Is it not clear that if Christ really REIGNED in Christendom, slavery would be impossible? Thank God for the assurance that he shall reign; for it is an assurance that the bondage shall at last be broken, and the curse be taken off from our land. And the other portentous evil,-War; the game of kings, the grand interest of public men, the chief charge of government; to which, in the administration of public affairs, every thing else that is dear and desirable is compelled to give way; to which education, and arts, and morality are held secondary, even in the legislation of Christian nations; whose magnificent achievements dazzle, whose perilous chances excite, whose intrigues call forth brilliant exhibitions of genius; which sometimes awakens in a dormant people the spirit of enterprise and progress, but always ravages, blights, demoralizes, betrays, and curses. What have the Christian nations to do with such a thing as this? It has not one feature of Christianity in it. It has given occasion, we are told, to beautiful instances of high Christian virtue. But so has highway robbery. So has the foul baseness of the licentious profligate. This claim, sometimes put in for war, can only be allowed, when we shall honor the infamy of Tarquin for the sake of the virtue of Lucretia. Set aside a few such flowers which grow in the crevices of the corrupting charnel- house-judge it on its own merits, try it by its intrinsic and distinctive qualities, and there is not one on which Christianity can look with complacency. For what is it? A celebrated statesman has defined it," that state in which nations are trying which shall do the other the most harm;" and this certainly is not the description of a Christian state. Another distinguished person has said, "that it is a virtual repeal of the ten commandments;"-a description equally just and comprehensive. For how shall the right to war be supported, where killing and adultery and theft are prohibited? Inter arma silent leges, is as true of the laws of God as of the laws of man. Religious and moral individuals in the camp, there may be; but the camp, as a system, licenses every moral offence. And do you suppose, that when Christianity has done its whole work, penetrated society through and through, such an institution can stand? When the Prince of Peace shall have been permitted to REIGN in Christendom, and take command of its affairs, do you believe his disciples will fight? In that day the principles of his religion and the laws of his realm will be directly applied to every subject; business, professions, politics, which now escape the superficial ordeal, will then be no longer separated from morality. In that day, therefore, Christians will no |
