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Delenda est Texas.

Benjamin Lundy,
(Gen. Gaines' trespass,)
Mexican Decrees for
Universal Freedom,
Texas Constitution
against Freedom,
President Guerero,
John Quincy Adams,
The Mexican Arms,
The London Patriot,
William B. Reed,
National Intelligencer,
Edward J. Wilson,
G. L. Postlethwaite,
New-York Sun,

N. Y. Commercial Advertiser,
Wilkinson's and Burr's trial,
African Slave Trade and Texas,
British Commissioners Report,
(Bartow's Case,)
Detroit Spectator,
American Citizen,

Liberia Herald,

Daniel Webster,
William Jay,

The British Parliament,

Barlow Hoy,
Daniel O'Connell,

Col. Thompson,
Fowell Buxton,

Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna,

Robert Owen,

Thomas Branagan,
Joseph Sturge,

William E. Channing,
Commonwealth of Mass.,
Nathaniel P. Rogers,
David Lee Child,
Edwin W. Goodwin,
Joshua R. Giddings,
John Maynard,
Zebina Eastman,
Gamaliel Bailey,
A. S. Standard,
William L. McKenzie,
La Roy Sunderland,
J. B. Lamar,

Archibald L. Linn, William Slade,

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Mexican Side,
New-York Tribune,
Pittsburg Gazette,
Lynn Record,
Richmond Whig,
Hoonsocket Patriot,
Hampshire Republican,
William H. Burleigh,
Louisville Journal,
State of Rhode Island,
Legislature of Michigan,
John Quincy Adams,
Seth M. Gates,
William Slade,
William B. Calhoun,
Joshua R. Giddings,
Sherlock J. Andrews,
Nathaniel B. Borden,
Thomas C. Chittenden,
John Mattocks,

Christopher Morgan,
J. C. Howard, Victor Birdseye,
Hiland Hall, Thos. A. Tomlinson,
Stanley A. Cla
Chas. Hudson,
Archibald L. Linn,

Thos. W. Williams, Tru. Smith, Dav. Bronson, Geo. N. Briggs, Petition to Congress.

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James Montgomery,
Robert Southey,
Thomas Campbell,
Erasmus Darwin,
John Howard,
Good Samaritan,
Humanity, by S. J. Pratt,
William Seward Hall,
Freedom's Sun,
Percy Bysche Shelley,
George Noel Byron,
John Milton,

Robert Pollock,

James Grainger,

George W. F. Howard,
Thomas Pringle,
A. Carlisle J. Addison,
James Thomson,
John Bowring,
John Angel James
John Locke,
Adam Smith,
William Sinclair,
William Maclure,
Jeremy Bentham,
Frances Wright,
William Thompson,
John Mason Good,
John Stewart,
William Jones,
Edward L. Bulwer,
Henry Brougham,
Thomas Fowell Buxton,
Elizabeth Heyrick,
Harriet Martineau,
Benjamin Godwin,
Edward S. Abdy,
Westminster Review,
The Slave Trade,
Edinburgh Review,
James Grahame,
Jonathan Dymond,
George Combe,
James Cropper,
George Thompson,
William Best,

Charles Dickers,
Edinburgh Review,
Foreign Quarterly Review.

come with aggravation proportioned at compound interest to its procrastination. The signs of the times manifestly declare that the generation is born which will also witness the death of slavery in these United States. Whether this human Augean stable, must be swept by a deluge of blood, or whether by a pure wholesome stream from Freedom's fount, the conversion of slaves into citizens, depends upon the sovereign people. The great Arbiter of events has left this yet in the control of his free agents. The varied scenes of horror, when the dread day of retribution shall arrive, the massacres, the wholesale rapine, the protracted tortures, the anarchy of a civil and a servile war;-no mortal has had the temerity to anticipate or imagine;-but it is written, "With what judgment ye judge ye shall be judged, and with what measure ye mete it shall be measured to you again."

In arguments and facts, appeals to sympathy and equity, the abolitionists have with them the Universe. The hydra-headed monster oppression shrinks instinctively convulsed from the reflection of its own hideous features, and by fraud, falsehood and violence, by lynch-law and gag-law, writhes to shun the exposure, but every plea and pretext ventured by it, or its infamous tools, inevitably recoils. "The slave" say they, "has less care and more ease than the master;" then it is only fair that they should change conditions; which party would object?" The slave is more comfortable and better provided for than the Northern Laborer;"—then all the battles and speeches, and writings, and preaching, and prayers for liberty are vain and false. To test this, propose to the free yenmanry and mechanics of the North, that they and their families forever, be elevated to the state of utter bondage of the South." But the Abolitionists have put the cause of emancipation back half a century."-Not yet, for then the seven new slave states should be nullified, and the two millions increase of slaves be liberated. Within the last half century, the number of full blooded slave states has doubled, and the number of full blooded and half blooded slaves quadrupled. This frightful, this tremendous increase, gives the lie direct to the shameless, hypocritical pretence, that the present race of slave-mongers are guiltless, that the system was entailed on them, and they are not responsible. What measure has been atempted or suggested to prevent or restrain this geometrical ratio of increase. Is it the insane acts of the enslaved states of the south, and dough brains of the north, in smuggling in the recognition of Texas, and attempting the amalgation of this worthy sister republic! a recognition which signed the death warrant of the union, which only waits annexation to be irrevocably sealed. Is it the Colonization Society, the Jesuitical engine of perpetual banishment to its colored victims, whose freedom here might be dangerous to the "peculiar institution;"-banishment! a cruel word, which even the rude Romans would not allow in their penal laws. This society which until lately perverted the sympathies and paralysed the energies of the few real friends of the oppressed, for the first sixteen of its most palmy and prosperous years, could by fraud or force effect the expulsion of only 2,162; this in sixteen years, while the increase of the colored slaves is 60,000 each year.

Why not liberate and colonize them, where they were born and their fathers before them; here, where there services are needed, where, it is said, their labor is indispensable, without the enormous expense of transportation, and sacrifice of human lives in acclimation and hardships. Emancipation to be effectual must be general throughout the union; all compensation is encouragement except >on condition that the system be annihilated. Were Maryland, for instance to declare itself a free state, most of her colored inhabitants would be torn from their relations and homes, where proximity and intercourse with the free states is some check to cruelty, and domestic employment and old attachment renders their condition comparatively endurable, to be driven to the plantations of the south west, to be whipped and starved to death on those human slaughter grounds; it would be, to lessen the evil in its mitigated, and extend it in its aggravated forms. The haughty ancient dominion, the mother of Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Patrick Henry, the Randolphs, and other staunch abolitionists, is compelled to obtain a livelihood by this noble means, the breeding of slaves for the human shambles, the trafficing in the nerves, hearts, and souls of her own colored sons and daughters, in whose veins frequently courses her best blood, and thus save "the slaves from advertising for runaway masters." And while this domestic slave trade is th staple business of the South, the foreign still rages with similar hor rors, which only the extinction of its cause, the market for slaves, can suppress. Since nothing but evil can possibly flow either directly or remotely from this polluted source, slavery; instead of shutting the eyes like the idiot, frightened at his own shadow, and hiding the head in the dust like the stupid ostrich before destruction, why not grapple with the mortal foe like men, like freemen! In lieu of any other or better plan, the following suggestions are offered:

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Of the public lands a part were originally ceded by some of the old states, for the purpose of paying the national debt, which being accomplished, they should have reverted to the donor states; the rest were purchased by money from the public treasury, of which the proportion of the northern states would be about threefourths. This domain being the common property of the common people, the most equitable and sure mode of dividing it among its owners, would be by an amendment of the constitution, to distribute the annual proceeds among the states in ratio of their representation, for the perpetual support of common schools in each state; the principal to be invested in internal improvements or loaned for banking purposes, the state being security for principal and 6 per cent interest; the interest to be appropriated and applied to common schools according to some plan of organization, of which the state of New-York probably presents the best model. As we have, and can have no established religion like the church-andstate despotisms, it is indispensable that we should have an established system of education, to ensure the general intelligence of the people, without which a republic is but a name. The public revenue should be raised directly by a tax on all property, that each may pay according to his ability, and know the amount he pays;

and for what purpose. If the Chartists of Great Britain can be starved into compelling their oppressors to abolish the monstrous corn laws, we could be liberated from customs and tribute, and have free commerce, and each pay directly his just share of the necessary public expenses.

vernment.

The North is implicated in the guilt, the odium, and the responsibility of southern slavery, and perhaps it would be a fair way of compromise to let the North raise one-half the amount, and the South the other half. Of any thing contributed through or by the general government, the north would pay three times as much as the south, that being about their relative ratio of support of goBut as, notwithstanding the implication of the North, it might be difficult to be persuaded that it has so much to do with Southern slavery as to submit to direct taxation for abolition; and as the "Public Lands," is, and is likely to be a vexed question, perhaps it will be better to waive any other disposition of them, and apply them to the extinction of human bondage, thus meet the south half way and make a compromise, not of principle, which is impossible, but in order to agree about the best means to attain it.

The British Nation paid in 1834, $8,000,000 towards remunerating the West India Planters for about 800,000 slaves; this ratio would make for two and three-fourth millions of slaves in the United States, about $300,000,000. If the public lands were pledged to secure a fund of the amount of $200,000,000, the north would pay threefourths, or $150,000,000, being half of the whole; each Southern state willing to become free could tax all its property, including slaves, to supply the other half.

If this estimate be thought too low, be it recollected that the approximation from a paper credit currency towards a specie basis has condensed the value of money some fifty per cent, since the purchase of slaves by the British, which is the rate of their valuation here proposed; and in the event of abolition by the United States, there would be but few other buyers even at the lowest rates. Besides, the real estate of the south would then be enhanced at least one half, and its representation greatly extended, for instead of "three-fifths of other persons," they would have the suffrage of the whole five-fifths; the entire union would be no longer ruled by the representatives of slaves, nor the south by martial and mob law. It might perhaps be more equitable and convenient for both the North and the South, if the nett proceeds of the lands were pledged towards a fund of $200,000,000 with 6 per cent interest theron, for a term of twenty years, and then if found 'inadequate, the deficiency to be supplied by the general government, and the surplus lands to revert to the people of the Union. The immense national domain should, if well managed, produce a large revenue; we see great and growing states, as Ohio, Illinois, and Indiana, carved out, but where are the proceeds of the spoils of the poor Indian, the rightful proprietor from time immemorial,-shared among the agents, squatters, and speculators. If the amount realized from the public lands, could be so large that one half would compensate the south, it were highly desirable that the other moiety be applied to universal education, including those liberated.

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