CHAP. CHAPTER XIV. Henry's sojourn at Leicester-Proclamation of Richard's DeathSeizure of Warwick's Person-Disappointment in Henry's Character-Elizabeth repairs to London-Henry's Popularity—Reception in the Metropolis-Departure from ancient CustomOffering of the Standards-Suppositions concerning them-Pestilence in London-Henry's Coronation-Exaltation of Henry's FriendsAppointment of the Yeomen of the Guard-Henry's DifficultiesSubservience of the Parliament-Disfavour of the Yorkists—Henry's Pretensions to the Throne-Anxiety about the King's MarriageUnion of the Rival Roses-Joy of the People-Act of AttainderProceedings of Parliament-A general Pardon-Peers createdHenry's Progress to the North-Rumours of an insurrection-Attempt of Lord Lovel-its defeat-Henry's reception at York-his return to London-Loyalty of the People of Bristol-Gifts to the King-Arrival at Westminster-Discontent of the Yorkists-Birth of Prince Arthur-Baptism of the Young Prince-Strange schemes of the Yorkists-Rise and Progress of an Impostor-A second Pardon proclaimed-Speech of the Earl of Surrey-Enmity of the Duchess of Burgundy-Defection of Lincoln-Coronation of Lambert Simnel-Henry's Conduct to the Dowager Queen-Landing of the Expedition from Ireland-Discipline of the King's Army-Battle of Stoke-Defeat of the Rebels-Henry's Clemency-Liberation of Dorset-Henry's entrance into London-Coronation of the Queen. HENRY VII., after the victory of Bosworth Field, remained two days at Leicester; the fatigue and anxiety to which both body and mind had been subjected demanded rest: and starting at once from XIV. an indigent exile to the sovereignty of a powerful CHAP. kingdom, he also required time for the discussion and arrangement of his future plans. Assuming the title of king, which had been granted by popular acclamation, the new monarch caused the tidings of Richard's death to be proclaimed at York. The succeeding step, dictated by a cruel necessity, has stigmatized the first hours of Henry's reign with a brand of tyranny but too well merited. Apprehensive that the friends of the young Earl of Warwick would establish a rival claim, he dispatched Sir Robert Willoughby to Sheriff Hutton Castle (where the unhappy youth had been closely confined by Richard's jealousy) with an order to conduct the prisoner to a more gloomy fortress, the fatal Tower of London. This arbitrary and ungenerous act can be justified only on the plea of self-defence; it was the barbarous policy adopted for the security of a disputed succession. Henry's own unwarrantable ambition in advancing his inexplicable title to the crown of England, taught him to suspect similar designs in princes whose pretensions were so far superior; the danger of permitting a single branch of the opposing party to be at liberty was manifested by the fall of Richard, whose destruction had been accomplished by an agency almost too weak to excite alarm. Henry had himself escaped the persecution of the House of York only to plunge it into ruin, and now prepared to pursue the same illiberal measures which had covered his predecessors with disgrace. We look in vain for a true hero in these factious times; the romance of Henry's life ended at Bosworth Field: a fugitive or a prisoner from the age of five XIV. CHAP. years, his unmerited oppression and marvellous adventures are calculated to excite the tenderest sympathy in the early part of his career; but when he burst upon England as its king, the chivalric adventurer vanishes, and we behold only a gloomy, selfish, and ungracious tyrant; and disgusted and disappointed, perhaps do not make sufficient allowance for the difficult circumstances in which he was placed. The Princess Elizabeth, who had shared her cousin Warwick's captivity at Sheriff Hutton, accompanied an honourable escort of noblemen and gentlemen appointed by Henry to conduct her to the house of her mother in London, which she reached in time to welcome the king's arrival, who proceeded leisurely to the capital, receiving as he passed along enthusiastic assurances of affectionate regard from multitudes crowding to the road side to offer their congratulations. Hall tells us that, "the rusticall people on every syde of the wayes assembled in great nombres, and with great joye clapped their hands and showted, criyng King Henry, King Henry." When Henry approached London the civic authorities, arrayed in their violet robes, advanced to Hornsey to meet and salute him, accompanying a mark of respect which a triumphant monarch never failed to experience, with a less usual and more flattering demonstration of attachment; each individual pressed forwards to kiss his hand.* At Shoreditch Henry was also greeted by a deputation of peers, who with the principal citizens joined his train. Immense crowds had assembled to witness • Hall. XIV. the royal entry into the metropolis, but their eager CHAP. joy was somewhat damped by a precaution which was neither necessary or politic. Henry, instead of gracing the procession on horseback, and thus displaying his martial accomplishments to the public eye, permitted a cold suspicion to deprive the pageant of half its attractions; the victor had already experienced the inspiring effect produced by his animated countenance, radiant hair, and beaming eyes; but the populace vainly hoped to see their monarch ride gallantly at the head of his retinue: he was conveyed through the streets in a close litter, frequently obstructed by anxious multitudes who gathered round to gaze upon their new idol. The cavalcade repaired to St. Paul's Church, where a very interesting ceremonial took place; Henry offered up three standards, the banners which floating in the van had cheered his slender army through their rapid, toilsome march, and waved over the prostrate ensigns of Richard's mighty host on Bosworth Field. Hall has preserved the description of these pennons. "In the one was the ymage of St. George; in the second was a red firye dragon beaten upon white and green sarcenet; the third was of yellow tartanne, in the which was painted a done kowe;" and in Willement's Regal Heraldry we find the probable origin of the two last: the author observes, that "the red fiery dragon beaten upon white and green sarcenet, the charge of a standard offered by Henry VII. on his entry into London, and also represented on the corner of his tomb, held by an angel, is said to have been the armorial ensign of Cadwal • Hall. CHAP. lader the last of the British kings, and from whom XIV. Henry seems fond of declaring his descent. A tra dition had existed that Cadwallader had consoled himself at a time when but little of his territories were left to him, with the assurance that one of his posterity would at a future period wear the diadem of England.* Henry, in his struggle for the crown," continues our author, "would very naturally avail himself of superstitious prejudices that might be construed to point to him as the person who was to fulfil the prophecy of his Cambrian ancestor, and with this view he probably adopted for his ensign the red dragon of Cadwallader. The same imaginary animal was, however, frequently borne by the English monarchs. Edmund Ironside, according to Matthew of Westminster, engaged with Knute under the banner of the dragon. Henry III., in the twenty-fourth year of his reign, commanded that a dragon of red sarcenet should be placed in the Abbey Church of Westminster previous to his purposed visit: it was to be made of red sarcenet embroidered with gold, his tongue continually moving, and his eyes of Sapphire. "In the battle of Lewes the same monarch had a dragon carried before him for an ensign. Edward I., at his entry into Wales, fought under the dragon; and Edward III., according to Barnes, erected his standard of the burning dragon at the battle of Cressy." With respect to the third standard, Willement observes: "It is not improbable that this dun cow was taken by King Henry in allusion to his descent by the Beauforts, through the Beauchamps • Willement's Regal Heraldry. |