ated by a keen sense of oppression and the spirit of revenge, the other by the pride of power, and the lust of dominion? The royal army,* and the Orangemen, committed numerous outrages and cruelties, in defiance of every principle of justice and humanity. The Irish insurgents were enterprising and courageous, but they wanted system, discipline, unanimity, and experienced leaders; and it must be confessed, that on some occasions, they gave way to a spirit of useless and bloody revenge, which brought disgrace on their cause. Their attempts, after a deal of blood being shed, everywhere failed; thousands of unfortunate rebels were put to the sword and the bayonet; many of them died upon the gallows; numbers fled the country; and many were transported as felons to foreign climes.

The particulars of this melancholy history are not only too numerous to be repeated here, but they are of too tragical a nature to give satisfaction to any class of our readers.-We give this sketch merely as a necessary introduction to the better understanding of the following pages.

A union of the two islands had long been wished for by the British cabinet, but as a great majority of the Irish people, and even of the Irish aristocracy, were adverse to the measure, it seemed to be a very doubtful and difficult undertaking. But the late attempts of the Irish malcontents, their open declarations in favour of a republic, and the fears of their forming a junction with the French directory, a junction that would have been fatal to Britain, hastened the execution

* An honourable exception must be made in favour of General Sir Ralph Abercrombie, he who fell so gloriously (according to military language) in Egypt. Having been appointed commander in chief in Ireland, he declared in public orders, "that the very disgraceful frequency of courts martial, and the many complaints of irregularities in the conduct of the troops, had unfortunately proved the army to be in a state of licentiousness, which must render it formidable to every one but the enemy!"-After a short stay in Ireland, this humane Scotchman threw up his command, and left the country.

of a long projected design. Accordingly, every engine was set to work, in order to bring about a union of Britain and Ireland. The chief effort, and the most expensive one, was to be made in the Irish house of commons. On the first trial of strength, there was a majority of forty members against the union. The English minister put off the measure till the next meeting, in order, as he significantly said, to give the nation time to consider of it. In the session of 1800, it was evident that the English cabinet had not been idle in the employment of their means. On one side, were bags of gold, peerages, and preferments*-on the other, 100,000 bayonets, restriction, and depression-powerful arguments!-On the next division, there appeared a majority of forty for the union! and thus the parliament of Ireland, like that of Scotland, sunk, an insignificant atom, in the overwhelming influence of England.

A number of authors might easily be quoted, who have written on the affairs of Ireland. After a painful investigation, they will be found to consist of two distinct parties; one sensible of its strength, vindicating the claims of England to the uncontrolled dominion and property of Ireland; the other, making loud complaints of a long series of violence and injustice, and asserting the natural claims of Ireland to be free and independent. The English writers have endeavoured to cover the conduct of their government with the cloak of conquest, commerce, civilization; and even religion has been brought

* Similar means were used to accomplish the union of Scotland with England in the year 1706, when a number of new peers were made, and a deal of gold judiciously distributed. The court calendar can show how many new lords were made at the Irish union, but it is not so easy to ascertain the sums of money distributed to those worthy patriots, who first voted for their country, and then against it; report states above a million and a half, besides the price of the boroughs, 1,250,0007. in all about three millions sterling —One thing is certain, that the Irish people were bought and sold with their own money; and what have they gained by the bargain ?—Their taxes are trebled, and they already owe a national debt of near sixty millions sterling!

In to justify injustice, and to sanctify ambition !* But a long and a black list of acts appear on the statute books, which no sophistry can palliate, no pretext can vindicate.

History has been called the eye of wisdom, and the finger of knowledge; but partial history can neither be the eye nor the index of wisdom. History should be devested of national prejudices, party misrepresentations, and religious antipathie. Truth, unbiassed by all partial interests and local connections, should be the historian's guide-Amicus Plato, amicus Socrates, sed magis amica Veritas-and if the truth may not be spoken in the republic of America, in what country in the world may it now be uttered?

The people of America, beyond all others, must feel for the condition of the unfortunate Irish. If the Americans revolted against the mother country in order to prevent grievances, what should the people of Ireland do who have suffered for ages under an accumulation of oppression and contumely, not to be paralleled in the history of Europe? What would the Americans have thought and felt, if their revolution had only been a rebellion, and that Washington, and Franklin, and Adams, and Jefferson, and a long list of sages and heroes, had suffered an ignominious death on the gibbet?-And will they

*The established hierarchy always take an active part against catholic emancipation, even in its simplest and safest gradations. It gives us pleasure to point out one exception, the Bishop of Landaff, who joins to the knowledge of a philosopher the virtues of a christian. This learned and truly venerable prelate made the following declaration-listen, ye bigots of every persuasion:" We think the catholics to be in error: they think the same of us. Both ought to reflect, that every error is not a criminal error; and that their error is the greatest, who most err against christian charity. If any one should contend, that this is not the time for government to make concessions to Ireland, I wish him to consider, whether there is any time in which it is improper for either individuals or nations to do justice, any season more suitable than the present for putting an end to heart-burnings and internal discontent. I should be as averse as any man from making concessions to an enemy invading the country; but I would do much to gain a friend to assist me in driving him back; and such a friend, I am confident, Ireland would become."

have no compassion, no fellow feeling for Lord Edward Fitzgerald, Arthur O'Connor, Oliver Bond, Russel, Emmet, Tone, Teeling, the two Sheares, and hundreds of others, many of them of the most amiable and respectable characters; some of them of noble birth and high expectations-who ventured their fortunes and their lives, in order to redress wrongs so long and so grievously felt?

Let it be understood, that, in the foregoing sketch, a wide distinction is always made between the English government and the English people. Whatever is great and good has had its origin amongst that illustrious people-a people alike famous for arts and for arms; for their enterprise, industry, and ingenuity; and celebrated for the deepest researches and discoveries in whatever is useful, learned and scientific. Need we appeal to the history of their divines, philosophers, patriots, and warriors? America herself must own, that when liberty was extinct in every other nation in the world, England was the parent and the nurse of civil and religious freedom, sealed and sanctified by the blood of her martyrs and patriots. The general character of the English nation must not be contaminated with the avarice and ambition of statesmen and warriors. Many Englishmen, both in and out of parliament, have lifted their voice against the cruel and unjust policy of their countrymen both in Ireland and India. Amongst a number of writers we shall only select one, as being the latest, who, although he has taken his authorities from a very partial source, (Sir R. Musgrave,) yet he breaks through a cloud of prejudice, and discovers the honest indignation of a virtuous Englishman at the tyrannical conduct of his government towards Ireland:

"The history of no nation in Europe exhibits such a uniform series of misery, oppression, and misfortunes, as that of Ireland. It would now be equally vain and unprofitable to inquire, whether Ireland yielded by treaty, or was overcome by the sword?-The fact is, that the natives were treated like a

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conquered people, and denied a participation in the English laws. Stigmatized as helots, even intermarriage with them. was deemed felony, and their murder has been adjudged no crime! Amidst such cruel and impolitic restraints, it was not to be expected that the people would emerge from barbarity; on the contrary, they were rendered discontented and ferocious by oppression; and three successive insurrections, the fruits of a false and perfidious policy, prove better than any testimony, that their bondage was equally galling and ungrateful. All the bitterness of religious intolerance was superadded to civil disabilities; and a black catalogue of penal statutes exposed the unhappy catholic to a variety of fines, mulcts, and disfranchisements, from which the more fortunate, but far less numerous class of protestants were exempt."

After all, it appears to be the interest of Ireland to be connected with England, if such a connection can be obtained on fair and honourable terms. The exalted rank which England holds in the national society of Europe, we may say of the world-her proximity to Ireland-her astonishing wealth and vast navy-her arts, commerce, and manufactures -her general learning, knowledge, and refinement-the spirit of her judiciary system, which is admirable under a pure administration-all point that country out to Ireland as her best, most natural, and most powerful ally.

On the other hand, may we not hope that the government of England will at length know their true interest, and perceive, that honesty is as necessary a principle in public as in

See Stephens's history of the wars that arose out of the French revolution, chap. 12. a work of considerable merit and utility.

It is to be regretted, that so respectable a writer should have followed so bad an authority. Sir R. Musgrave was paid a very high price for his work by government, but he is so grossly partial in his accounts, that even Lord Cornwallis withdrew from him his sanction. Having said something offensive to Mr. Tod Jones, that gentleman called Sir Richard out one morning, and sent him home with a piece of lead in his body, very near that part which gave the widow Wadman so much uneasiness on Uncle Toby's account. Mr. Jones has ever since been in prison on suspicion.