fenced off in the wilderness? The charters, in many cases contradictory to each other, could not exclude undesirable emigrants. And was it probable, from any previous experience that their own immediate posterity would persevere in the path of virtue? The idea, however, of a perfect, permanent, Christian commonwealth was before their minds, and it filled the whole range of vision. They fell into an error which is the reverse of what is now exhibited. They gave a too exclusive attention to the Old Testament, or rather to its less spiritual portions. Great principles of truth and duty, applicable to all people, and to all ages, are certainly found in the Pentateuch; but these principles our fathers did not clearly perceive, or else confounded them with particular and local precepts. Such a consequence might have been expected from their politico-religious views.

The fatal mistake of our fathers is seen, most conspicuously in the adoption of the measures for lowering the terms of church membership. A large and strong party was gradually formed, who were in favor of admiting all persons of regular life to the full communion of the churches, upon their making a profession of religion, and who also advocated the plan of treating all baptized persons as members of the church. Many of the later emigrants, and the children of the first settlers, wished to secure for themselves the civil honors and privileges of church membership, without complying with the rigid terms of the congregational communion, viz. satisfactory evidence of regeneration. A considerable number of the clergy and the churches in general, zealously opposed all innovations, and exerted themselves to maintain the primitive purity of religion. In 1657, the half way covenant, as it was called, was adopted by a synod held at Boston. The measure was viewed as alarming innovation, and was assailed with powerful opposition, particularly in Connecticut. At length in Massachusetts, it became a very general practice. The churches opened their doors to men, who merely assented, in general terms, to the excellence of the Christian religion. The church thus became the passport to civil honors. Worldly men hung on its bosom like a body of death. Efforts for discipline, for the reformation of morals, for the promotion of revivals of religion were constantly opposed and prevented.

Thus the law of 1630, providing that "none should be admitted to the freedom of the body politic, but such as were

church members," was the source of a long catalogue of mischiefs. During the sixty years of its continuation, it was a strong temptation to hypocrisy. Men, excluded from all civil offices and from having any voice in elections, and yet subject to taxation and the various burdens of public service, must have been strongly solicited to sacrifice conscience to worldly gain. The whole eighteenth century bears witness to the deplorable effects of this law. The early part of this period was one of deplorable spiritual apathy. The revivals of religion, which gladdened the years from 1735 to 1760, were vilified, maligned, or corrupted, very much as a consequence of the state of things which grew out of the early union of church and the government in Massachusetts. There has been a wide and fundamental departure from the doctrines embraced by the puritans, owing, no doubt, to other causes in part, but to be attributed, particularly, to the removal of the barrier between the church and the world, first attempted by the synod of 1657.

The last manifestation of evil fairly to be attributed to this cause is the entire prostration of the civil rights of the churches by the recent decisions of the highest courts of the commonwealth. In sailing away from the whirlpool we have fallen upon the rocks. The church of Christ, instead of being loaded with civil honor, is cast out of her legitimate privileges. She who was a princess sitteth solitary. It was a result, which might have been anticipated. When once we begin to act on false principles we cannot measure the extent of mischief into which we may run. The relations of a church to the world may be clearly inferred from the New Testament. Inevitable difficulty will follow all attempts to compromit the principles of the word of God and of reason in relation to this matter.

We are now prepared to consider the state of religion in this commonwealth since it was relieved from political patronage. Scarcely a vestige of the old theory remains. Jews and gentiles, catholics and protestants are all on a level under our government. A great majority of the members of our successive legislatures are not connected with the churches of any denomination. A morbid feeling implying the possibility of the ascendency of a sect or of the union of church and state sometimes breaks out in our legislative chambers with ludicrous solemnity. Laws for the observance of the Sabbath, for the punishment of profaneness, blasphemy, drunkenness, and of many

other moral offences, if they exist, are suffered to sleep on our statute books, in undisturbed security. No person is required to connect himself with any parish or religious society whatever, nor to contribute in any way for the maintenance of the worship of God. The churches have no separate existence in law. Their rights are the rights of the parishes, and nothing more. This state of things has existed substantially for twenty or thirty years. The law of 1824, the eleventh article of amendment of the Constitution, and the act of 1834, have only confirmed and secured the provisions of the law of 1811.*

We now come to the important inquiry, What is the actual state of religion in Massachusetts at the present time, or since the laws were repealed which in an important sense, connected church and State?

We contend that a sufficient time has elapsed in which to try the experiment. Boston has been put to the test for two hundred years; the remainder of the State for twenty five or thirty years, and other portions of New England for longer or shorter periods. Many of the alleged evils of the voluntary system are such that they would have developed themselves at once. The first years of the change would be most disastrous. But none of the predicted mischiefs-predicted as of immediate and rapid growth-have come upon us.

On the whole, for thirty years, there has been no relaxation in the laws of outward morality. We freely acknowledge, that in certain respects, a deterioration may be pointed out. There may be an increased neglect of public worship, and a more open desecration of Lord's day. Vice in our cities, in certain forms, may have become more flagrant. In some respects, the majesty of law may be obscured, and a disposition cherished in extraordinary cases to execute justice in a summary and irregular manner. There is, doubtless, a perturbed and restless condition of the public mind on many subjects of morals, politics, religious doctrines, etc. The most sacred relations are not always spared. The cry is sometimes heard for the equalization of rights, or the republicanism of churches, and the abolition of all distinctions. Nevertheless, the community is sound at the

* The whole of the 18th century, or more properly the years from 1680 to 1811, may be regarded as a period of transition. Exclusive, legal congregationalism did not exist, though protestantism was supported by law.

core. The great body of the people of New England are as firmly attached to law, and order, as their ancestors were in 1640. The great excitement of the time, so far as it is indicative of evil, is on the surface of society, or confined to detached portions of the people. The vast majority of the Anglo-Saxon race on our soil are sound and trust-worthy. The bustle and the uproar are deceptive. The periodical press is not a sure index of the condition, even of the large towns and cities, much less of the countless country villages. While a single city seems to be on the borders of a volcanic excitement, hundreds of quiet rural towns hardly perceive the distant murmurs.

The great principles of protestant religious liberty were never more thoroughly understood than at the present time. The recent occurrence in Charlestown, Massachusetts, in certain respects much to be deplored, has demonstrated, as with a voice of thunder, that the principles of the Roman Catholic church can never gain a footing among the original English population of New England. The abhorrence of papacy has become an instinct almost a part of our personal identity. It is not, however, the bigotted attachment to the partial evils, as well as to the advantages of protestantism, which may have characterized some of the reformed churches. The opposition to papacy is increasingly intelligent as well as decisive. No disposition exists extensively in the community to debar the Catholic from any of his natural or civil privileges.

In more than one respect, the morals of the people of Massachusetts are in a better condition than at any preceding period in our history. Temperance Societies, which are exclusively voluntary associations, have not only accomplished their own specific work, but have raised up the standard of morals generally, given a healthier tone to public sentiment, quickened the individual conscience, and made the work of further reformation far less embarrassing. This reformation, on the whole, has been managed with remarkable wisdom. It has been based upon great principles, which are of equal application in a multitude of other cases. Such motives have been addressed to the heart and conscience of men as would bear the test of the severest investigation. Hence, the inevitable tendency of this reformation is to bring about the universal adoption of such a course, in all things, as will give the utmost possible vigor to the body, clearness and power to the mind, and purity to the heart. This great reformation, be it remembered, is the genu

ine product of a voluntary association, and had its origin in MASSACHUSETTS.

This commonwealth is comparatively well supplied with the preaching of the gospel. There are within our limits at the present time, of the Congregational, Episcopal, Baptist, and Methodist denominations, about 850 ministers of the gospel, the same number of organized churches, and at least 110,000 members of churches. Of these numbers, the orthodox Congregationalists have 320 ministers, 360 churches, and 60,000 communicants. Allowing that the State has at the present moment, 650,000 inhabitants, there is one minister from these four denominations, not including several smaller sects, for every 760 souls. Supposing that a small portion of the clergymen are but ill qualified for their duties, yet one clergyman of at least respectable attainments will remain for every 1000 souls. We doubt whether the same thing can be asserted of any equal population, living on any single undivided territory, in any country where religion is supported by law. We are aware, that such substantially, has always been the condition of things in Massachusetts. What we are concerned now to assert is, that there has been no deterioration since religion has ceased to be dependent on taxation. On the contrary, there has never existed a more resolute determination, than is now apparent, to plant well educated ministers on every destitute spot, and in every practicable new field.

Again, under the influence of voluntary associations, the ministers of religion are well educated. Our colleges, (with a partial exception in relation to Harvard University,) and our theological seminaries are not State establishments. Three of these institutions have never received any funds from the public treasury, and one or two of them obtained an act of incorporation with the utmost difficulty. Yet all of them are well sustained both in respect to funds and to public patronage in general. Our oldest theological seminary is a noble monument of the vigor of the voluntary principle. In these various institutions our clergymen are trained for their work. We hazard nothing in asserting that as a body, the Congregational ministers have a more thorough training than any other equal body of clergymen in the world. It is not denied that the English ministry acquire a much better classical education than can be obtained as yet in this country. The Scottish students may be more skilled in philosophy and logic. Yet in England VOL. VI. No. 19.

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