the Lord hath called every one, so let him walk, and so ordain in all churches. Stubbe pleads for those episcopal divines who have learned in all conditions to be content, and in their prosperity were neither rash in depriving nor forward in persecuting. He even pleads for such Catholics who deny the Pope's power any way in temporals to depose magistrates, to dispose of lands, or the civil obedience of subjects. In reading Vane's theological writings, one grasps at the meaning, believes there is a meaning, yet it escapes, or only dwells in the mind for a moment, leaving no conception behind. Vane does not think with the thoughts of others, nor use their phrases. His mind, in its intense search, strains at coincidences and correspondences which escape minds less exalted; but mystics of his own class, like Sikes, can follow him. He regarded all the scriptures as equally inspired; every sentence, every turn of expression, conveyed God's meaning, hence a passage from the Old Testament might be used to support a doctrine deduced from the New, a verse in Isaiah might confirm the interpretation of a chapter in an epistle of St Paul; but through these his mind worked, selecting and systematising. Sikes tell us that Vane was reproached for allegorising the scriptures, and carrying them quite ready in all political matters, councils, ecclesiastical and profane histories. He had a loud voice, and as he spoke his mind freely in all companies, he sometimes got into quarrels. He was of a high generous nature, and scorned money, and riches, and the adorers of them. He visited Jamaica, and in 1665 resided some time in London, and finally practised in Warwick and in Bath, where he gained much reputation as a physician. out of their native significancy, and intendment, wrestling and forcing all to their own purpose. Yet in general, Vane used the quest of allegories more for the illustration of doctrine than for the finding of new ones. Jerusalem, the Tabernacle, and the Temple were treated as allegories of the heavenly kingdom. Adam, Enoch, Noah, Shem, Abraham, Moses, Joshua, Samuel, David, Solomon, and many others, were thought types or significant figures of Christ. Cain and Abel represent the fleshy and spiritual worshipper. Sikes well defines an allegory to be when one thing is said as type, letter, or significant figure, through which another farther and more excellent thing is meant and to be understood. Such symbolising was common with the divines and preachers of the day, and seems supported by the example of St Paul (see Gal. iv. 22, 31, Romans viii. 2, Tim. ii. 11). "The true allegorising interpreter of the scriptures does, and must, expound them into things not seen, things eternal into a sense, quite out of the reach, and discerning of all the sense and reason in mankind; spiritual things, things eternal, are discernible only to the eye of faith, the spiritual discerning the hearing ear. He only that hath this ear will hear what the spirit saith unto the churches. Things seen, things temporal, are the things that are not. Things eternal, things not seen, are the only things that are." Swedenborg finds allegories everywhere in scripture (save in St Paul's epistles), through which he introduced his own meanings and found confirmation of his visions. The following idea of Vane's may be found extended and amplified in the writings of the Swedish seer. EXPLANATION OF THE APOCALYPSE 449 The earth brought forth her variety of herbs, plants, fruits, and trees, everyone after his kind, all of which are but the shadows of the kingdoms above, the things of higher and better natures. The confident assertions of the first Reformers, that the scarlet woman seated on the seven hills was papal Rome, and that the Pope was Antichrist turned the attention of Protestants to the Apocalypse, the meaning of which had been forgotten and lost. Not only divines and controversialists but men of superior intellect, like Napier of Merchiston, Grotius, and Isaac Newton, wrote commentaries upon it. Vane noted that in the Revelation, John was commanded to write the things which he had seen, the things which are, and lastly, the things which should be hereafter. This is the clue by following which one may arrive at an explanation of the apocalypse.1 Vane went no farther towards the correct answer to the riddle: "The number of the name of the Beast," he tells us, "being said to be the number of a man, signifies that it is the sensual part of men's wisdom or reason become devilish by joining in combination with Satan in his revolt from his true head, and in exercising enmity against all righteousness upon one account or other. Apparently Vane believed that the opening of the seventh seal, when the reign of the saints would begin, was to be 1666 years after the birth of Christ. 1 After the translation of the Book of Enoch and the Ascensio Isaiæ Vatis from the Abyssinian it was less difficult to discover the meaning of the Apocalypse. Babylon was the Rome of the Emperors; the beast was Nero. On this point both Renan and Dean Farrar are agreed. CHAPTER XXV Trial and Execution of Argyll. Vane in Prison. Letter to his Lady. His Trial and defence. Can he be Honestly put out of the Way? THE Scottish people had shown their displeasure at the execution of Charles I., and had shed their best blood to make his son king. They rejoiced at the Restoration, not dreaming of what was to come. Charles had not forgotten the curb which the Presbyterians had held against his profligacy, and had some grudges to avenge. It was not enough that the solemn league and covenant, which he had signed, should be annulled, and episcopacy established in Scotland. The Marquess of Argyll had put the crown on the head of Charles at Scone, and had run himself into debt in supplying the needy prince with money. Having avoided the disastrous march to Worcester, he had been one of the last in Scotland to give in to the army of the parliament. Having promised to live peaceably under the new government, he had kept aloof from royalist plots and futile insurrections. He had been a member of Richard Cromwell's parliament. After the Restoration he had been encouraged by his son, Lord Lorne, who was in favour with Charles, to come to London. On his way to Whitehall, Argyll had encountered Clarendon whom TWO EVIL COUNSELLORS 451 he had tried to accost. "Not one word, my Lord," said the chancellor, who whispered to his son, "that is a fatal man." Clarendon and Monk were closeted with the king who ordered Argyll to be arrested in the antechamber and sent to the Tower, where he was kept a prisoner for five months, after which he was sent to Edinburgh to be tried by the Scottish parliament, in which his enemies were numerous. Charges were heaped against him, some of them recklessly false, others covered by indemnities. After the proof had been led, Sir John Gilmour, the President of the Court of Session, said: "I have given all the attention I was capable of to the whole of this process, and I can find nothing proven against the marquess but what the most part of this House are involved in as well as he, and we may as well be found guilty." To this Middleton, the royal commissioner, had nothing better to reply than: "What Sir John has said is very true. We are, all of us or most, guilty, and the king may pitch upon any he pleases to make examples." Argyll's friends showed hopes of his being acquitted, which was unpleasing to Monk. The proof was concluded, and should not legally have been reopened, when a special messenger appeared bearing letters, which had been sent by the marquess to Monk and Colonel Lilburne, written by Argyll to clear himself of the suspicion of being disaffected to Cromwell's government at the time when Monk was actually ruling in Scotland as his deputy. The marquess had disavowed his son, Lord Lorne, who had joined Middleton in the Highlands, and had promised to co-operate in the suppression of the |