Hift. p. 53. The marquis of Argyle received the king with extraordi- 1650. nary reverence and outward marks of refpect. But within two days, all his English domefticks were removed, except The manner the duke of Buckingham. Some were obliged to return into of the king's reception. Holland, others withdrew at a distance from the court, to Id. p. 286. friends who were willing to entertain them. This rigour at Burnet's first appears very ftrange, and by fome is fo reprefented. and Mem. But it must be confidered, the Scots were for receiving the Reafons for king on those terms only, on which they would have admit- t. ted his father, had he happily escaped from captivity, and retired into Scotland. Certainly they would never have fuffered about him, men whofe principles and maxims were directly oppofite to the interefts of Scotland, and who were the kingdom's reputed enemies. Why then were they to repofe more confidence in Charles II? Precaution was not more neceffary under the laft, than under the present reign. in Scot Bates. When the friends and confidents of the king were thus re- The king moved from his perfon, he faw himself in the hands of men under great whom he knew not, and whofe principles were entirely dif- difficulties ferent from those in which he had been educated; so that he land. was extremely uneafy, though outwardly he received all the Clarendon, respect due to his rank. What troubled him most, was the III. p. 286. importunity of the minifters, who thought it their duty to Burnet, inftruct him in the prefbyterian religion, and fcrupled not t. I. p. 53. to brand the hierarchy and worship of the church of England with the name of doctrine of devils. They pretended, the king's promife and oath to profefs prefbyterianifm obliged him to receive their inftructions. His embarrassment on this occafion was a natural confequence of the promise he had made, without intending to keep it. To be rid as well He difcovers as he could of this trouble, he was present at their fermons his difpofiand prayers, but with fo little attention, that it was plainly regard to reagainst his will. The reluctance he fhewed upon this ar-ligion, and ticle bred in the Scots a very ill opinion of him, being perfua- lofes the ded, he had fworn against his confcience, and with an inten- of the Scots. tion to break his promises when freed from reftraint. It ought not therefore to feem ftrange, that they had no confidence in him, and that those who were at the helm, imparted not to him all the affairs. He was not confidered as a prince attached to the interefts and religion of the kingdom, but as intending to establish other maxims if it was in his power. But c Bishop Burnet fays, that in one fast day there were fix fermons preached before the king without intermillion:-And adds, the great C 3 rigour the kirk ufed towards him, tion with confidence 1650. But if the tranfactions of fome years paft, and the occafion of the troubles, be confidered, it will not be thought fo ftrange, that the Scots took precautions with regard to their new king, and refufed him a confidence, which in that juncture, appeared to them very dangerous. ans. 397. Aims to re- It was quickly perceived how neceffary these precautions etablish the were, by the king's endeavours to reconcile to the ftate and Hamilton- the church, thofe who had entered into the late duke HaClarendon, milton's engagement to raise an army, which under colour III. p. 306, of acting against the independents, was defigned to restore the late king to the throne of England without any condition. The authors of that defign had thereby plunged Scotland into a war not only unneceffary, but directly contrary to her interests. Befides, their ill conduct had occafioned the loss of a numerous army, and a great effufion of blood. What might not the Scots have added in aggravation of the crimes of the Hamiltonians, had they known the fecret treaty made with the late king in the Ifle of Wight, fo contrary to the covenant of both kingdoms? It is not therefore strange, that men who had acted with views fo oppofite to the interefts of the kingdom, or at least of the prevailing party, were regarded by that party as enemies of the state and religion. And yet these were the men for whom the king laboured fo ftrenuously, under the pretence of procuring a happy union amongst his fubjects. But at the fame time he clearly discovered his averfion to the maxims by which Scotland was then governed, and his intention to enable his friends to oppofe the marquis of Argyle, who was the head of the contrary faction and of the government. That lord Argyle di- eafily fathomed the king's defign. And therefore, whereas fruits the he had hitherto conftantly attended him, he gradually withClarendon, drew himself from him, as from a fecret enemy who only III. p. 287. waited an occafion to ruin him. king, of the Eng Scotland. Id. p. 292. Philips, Refolution While thefe things paffed in Scotland, the parliament of ith parlia England were not idle. When they learned that commiffioment aga nft ners from Scotland were to confer with the king at Breda, they imagined, Charles would accept the crown of Scotland on any terms, in order to use the forces of that kingdom to invade England, in which they were not miftaken. This war, which the parliament deemed unavoidable, could not but be very dangerous to the independent party, if it was brought into England. The independents, though uppermoit, had no fupport but the army, with the prefbyterians, the royalists and the city of London for their enemies. It Was therefore very likely, that if the king entered England with a Scotch army, he would be joined by the royalifts, and 1650. favoured by the prefbyterians. To prevent therefore this danger, the parliament refolved to carry war into Scotland. This refolution was founded entirely upon policy, forafmuch as the parliament had no caufe to complain of the Scots, who in recognizing for their fovereign, the eldest fon of their late king, did not injure England. Nay, it was a confequence of the covenant between the two kingdoms, though manifeftly violated by the English parliament. But on this occafion, the parliament believed themfelves not bound to a fcrupulous obfervance of the rules of equity, for fear of the prejudice with which fuch fcruples might in time be attended. Interest therefore was folely regarded, which required, that the war fhould rather be carried into Scotland than expected in England. land. Clarendon, III. p. 292. Ireland. Irish. After this refolution, Cromwell was haftily recalled out Cromwell of Ireland to take the command of the army which was to recalled act against Scotland. In the late Scotch invafion under from Ireduke Hamilton, the behaviour of general Fairfax had given Whitelock, occafion to judge, that he would unwillingly accept of the p. 450. conduct of the new war, which was really the cafe. Cromwell's fuccefs in Ireland had been fuch as the parliament could Ludlow. have wished. After the taking of Drogheda, he feized Kil- His conkenny and many other places, and in a little time reduced quefts in the greatest part of the island to the obedience of the par-Clarendon, liament. The marquis of Ormond was little capable of III. p. 276, refifting him, because of the divifion ftill reigning amongst 277. the Irish. This divifion went fo far, that Ŏ Neal had at Divifion laft concluded a treaty with Monk, one of the parliament ge- amongst the nerals, commiffioned by the council of state. But the par-Bates. liament refused to ratify the treaty as being too favourable to Clarendon, the catholicks, and therefore Ó Neal had begun to treat I. p. 334. with the marquis of Ormond, and was upon the point of joining him, when his death prevented the execution of his defign. His troops difperfing upon his death, were of no The death advantage to the marquis of Ormond. In the mean time, of O Neal Cromwell continued his conquefts with furprising rapidity, rebel. and to prevent the agreement and junction of the Irish amongst themselves, he thought of an expedient which fucceeded. He published by proclamation a permiffion to all Cromwell the Irish officers to lift, in the fervice of foreign princes, permits the what foldiers they pleased of their own nation, with a pro- fer.ign mife to give them no difturbance or moleftation. More than princes. twenty five thousand immediately chose to serve France and Clarendon, I C 4 the Irish 111. P. 277 Spain, 279, 280. 1650. Spain, and afterwards a much greater number. This precaution prevented the marquis of Ormond from bringing an army into the field capable to refift that of the parliament. He leaves So, when Cromwell was recalled, the Irish affairs were in fo good condition, that his fon-in law Ireton, whom he left there as his lieutenant, had but little to do. Ireton in command of Ireland. June 4. Bates. P. 457. Ludlow. Cromwell being returned to London, tock his feat in the Clarendon, parliament, where, by order of the house, the speaker III. p. 292, thanked him for his late fervices. After that, the Scotch 333. war being the most preffing affair, the parliament caufed FairWhitelock, fax to be afked, whether he would take upon him the conClarendon, duct of the war? He replied, if the Scots entered England III. p. 292. with an army, he would endeavour to repel them; but defired to be excufed from attacking them in their own country. Some endeavours were used to convince him of the justice and neceffity of the war, but without any fuccefs. Cromwell acted his part fo well, that though he paffionately wifhed to be commander in chief, he gave his opinion in favour of Fairfax, and pretended he fhould be well fatisfied to ferve as his lieutenant. Fairfax perceived that being a prefbyterian (though he had but too faithfully ferved the independents) the parliament would have had no great confidence in him, and that the zeal fhewn on his behalf was only ceremony, He therefore fent his commiffion to the house, refigns the which was chearfully received, and an annual penfion of generalThip, and is five thousand pounds was fettled on him in acknowledgment fucceeded by of his fervices. Immediately Cromwell was declared general of the armies of the commonwealth, and his commiffion prefently dispatched . Fairfax Cromwell. June 26. Ludlow Whitelock, While the army, which was to act against Scotland, was P. 462. raifing, the parliament appointed a committee to draw up a manifefto, concerning the intended war. This precaution The parlia ment's manifefto. Id. p. 464. Phillips. Bates. d The lord Clarendon obferves, that Cromwell found a way to fend above forty thousand men out of that kingdom, for the fervice of foreign princes; when the marquis of Ormond, notwithstanding all the promifes, obligations, and contracts of the Irish with him, could not draw together a body of five thousand. Tom. III. p. 280. e Whitelock fays, the lord Fairfax being advifedwith, feemed atfirft to like well of carrying the war into Scotland, but afterwards, being hourly perfuaded by the prefbyterian minifters, and his own lady, who wa great patronefs appeared of them, he declared it was against his confcience. Whereupon the council of ftate appointed Cromwell, Lambert, Harrifon, St. John, and Whitelock, to confer with Fairfax, and endeavour to fatisfy him of the juftice of the undertaking. Whitelock gives us the conference at length in his memorials; wherein, though Cromwell and the reft of the foldiers were very earnest with him not to lay down his commiffion; yet, fays Whitelock, there was caule to believe, they did not much defire he should continue. Mem. p. 460- -462. I appeared the more neceffary, as the house was not ignorant, 1650. that the cavaliers and prefbyterians would induftriously reprefent this war, as the most unjust that ever was, fince the Scots had given no provocation. The committee employed about the manifefto, being unwilling to publish the true reafon of the war, namely, to fupport the independents, contented themselves with fuppofing, that the Scots defigned to force the English to acknowledge king Charles II. though hitherto they had not moved one step towards it. It was nevertheless, very likely the king would attempt to engage them in a rupture with the English parliament; but there was no probability of fuccefs, confidering his manifest averfion to become a good prefbyterian. raife an army under III. p. 292, The Scots hearing of the preparations against them in The Scots England, raised an army with all poffible diligence', and gave the command to general Lefley, not daring to trust the Lefley. king for the reafons above-mentioned. He was even fuf- Clarendon, fered to fee the army but once, for fear of gaining the officers and foldiers by his intrigues. David Lefley formed his Phillips. camp between Leith and Edinburgh, and fortified it with Whitelock, fuch intrenchments, that he was not to be attacked without manifeft danger. 293. land. III. p. 293. About the middle of July, Cromwell put himself at the head of the English army, confifting of eighteen or nineteen thousand men, and marched to the frontiers of Scotland, where he published his manifefto. As the enemy's army Cromwell lay encamped near Edinburgh, he entered Scotland without enters Scotany difficulty. But he found the country deftitute of inhabitants, and every thing capable to fubfift his army conveyed Whitelock. away; fo that he was obliged to maintain it with supplies Clarendon, from his fleet. He advanced, however, and came in fight Phillips. of the enemy's army; but found it too well intrenched to Skirmishes be attacked. He chose therefore to retire towards Muf- between the felborough, whereupon Lefley detached a large body of mies. horfe, which fell upon the English rear, commanded by Phillips. Lambert, with fome advantage. The day after, there Whitelock. was a fharp fkirmish, in which the Scots beat fome English regiments; but at last were repulfed to their camp with confiderable lofs. Then, Cromwell once more attempted, by f Confifting of fix thousand horfe, and fifteen thoufand foot. Phillips, p. 6cc. Thirty fix thousand men in ail, fays Whitelock, p. 466. g Auguft 26. In a skirmish, one of the Scots fired a carabine at Crom his well; upon which Cromwell called Auguft. |