lands at III. p. 251. Cromwell informed of this good fuccefs whilft he was em- 1649. barking his army, altered his defign, and instead of going to Munfter, failed to Dublin, where he fafely arrived about the Cromwell middle of Auguft with about fifteen thousand men. When Dublin. the marquis of Ormond knew that Cromwell was at Dub- Phillips. lin, he retired to a still greater distance, and left in Droghe- Clarendon, da a numerous garrifon, under the command of fir Arthur Bates. Afton, an officer of reputation, who had been governor of Ludlow, Reading, and afterwards of Oxford. About the fame time Phillips. Londonderry, the most confiderable city in the north of Ireland, which was befieged by the king's forces, was relieved by a fally made by fir Charles Coot, much in the fame manner as Dublin was by Jones". defifts from his defign of Clarendon, 258. Phillips. From what has been feen, it is manifeft the king could The king not venture into Ireland, where he had no other fuccours to carry but his perfon, while Cromwell was affembling his ar- going into my on the coaft, and ftill lefs, after Ormond's defeat. But Ireland. as, on the other hand, he was looked on with no good eye III. p. 251, in France, where, fince his arrival, the court had made him 264. no offers of fervice, he refolved to withdraw into the ifle of He retires. Jerfey, as the only place where he could hope to be favour to Jerfey. September. ably received. He retired therefore to that ifle with his Clarendon, brother the duke of York and his small court, where he con- III. p. 252, tinued some months * The commotions raised by the king's friends in Scotland Windram being appeased, the committee of eftates affembled to pre- fent to him pare the conditions to be demanded of the king. It seems, land. they were not informed in Scotland of the king's fentiments, Phillips. fince they continued to deliberate upon that fubject, which Clarendon. doubtless they would not have done, had they been acquaint- III. p. 265, ed with his refolution. In all probability, In all probability, as the estates had Bates. not yet expressly invited him to come and receive the crown, Burnet's he did not think himself obliged to communicate his thoughts Hift. p. 51 to them, and if the envoys of the estates and council had received an answer from him, it was too general for any thing to be inferred from it. However this be, the committee of eftates Of three thousand foot, and two or three troops of horse. Clarendon, tem. III. p. 251. Rapin, by mistake, fays, fir Richard Coot, but it was fir Charles, who was afterwards earl of Montrath. w He had been lately proclaimed king there, by fir George Carteret the governor. Whitelock, p. 386. This year, upon information, that the Turkish alcoran was printing in England, it was ordered, on March 10, from Scot 266. Phillips. 276. Phillips. Bates. 1649. eftates having learned, the king was in Jersey, fent mr. George Windram to acquaint him, they were defirous to treat with him concerning his eftablfhment in Scotland: but as the ifle of Jerfey was neither fafe, nor commodious, he' was defired to name fome town in the Low Countries, where he might receive their commiffioners. For that purpose, it was required of him as a preliminary, without which there could be no negotiation, to acknowledge the authority of the prefent parliament, and particularly of the two laft feffions. Windram left Edinburgh the 25th of September, but was not with the king till towards the end of October, being detained by contrary winds: fo that the king was fully informed of what had paffed in Ireland, where Cromwell having taken Drogheda by affault, had put the garrison to the fword, and was continuing his progrefs with wonderful rapidity. This Clarendon, news made the king look upon Scotland with another eye III. p.264, than before. He knew, he should be unwelcome both to France and Holland. From Ireland he was entirely excluded, nor could Jersey long afford him fubfiftence. Befides, he was told, the parliament had given orders for a fleet to reduce that ifland, which was not in a condition of defence. Scotland therefore was the only place where he could find safeThe king ty and fubfiftence. For this reafon, he received Windram ames Breda very graciously, and named Breda for the reception of the for the place Scotch commiffioners, promifing, he would be there the 15th of the following March. It was not however withcommiflion-out fome uneafinefs that he came to this refolution. Befides his little affection for the Scots, whom he regarded as Phillips, the principal authors of his father's misfortunes, not one Clarendon, counfellor advifed him to put himself into their hands, though III. p. 266. it was impoffible to direct him to another retreat. So it Burnet. was meer neceffity which caused him to refolve to listen to He writes to the propofitions the Scots were to make him. That this Montrofe to was his only motive, can hardly be doubted, when it is conpreparations fidered, that on the 30th of January 1649-50, he writ to against the marquis of Montrofe, that the Scots had fent Windram Scotland. to him, and that their commiffioners were to repair to Bre to treat with the Scots ers. P-593. haften his 1640-50. Phillips. P. 593. da, in March to treat with him. Wherefore, he preffed him to haften his preparations for a defcent into Scotland before the affair fhould be fettled, in order if it was poffible, and should pleafe God to favour him with fuccefs, to preP. 52. Warwick. vent the conclufion thereofy. y The earl of Clarendon fays nothing of this letter from the king to Windram the marquis of Montrofe; but Phillips, Bates, and others, are pofitive that Windram being returned with the king's anfwer, the com- 1649mittee of eftates laboured inceffantly to finish the propofitions to be sent to the king. The draught was laid before the parliament, and after fome amendments, ordered to be communicated to the general affembly of the kirk, where it was approved. Hence it appears, that these propofitions were fettled with the common confent, fince they had the concurrence of both parliament and kirk, though fome have been pleased to afcribe them folely to the marquis of Argyle, as if they were more agreeable to his intereft than that of the kingdom. After that, the parliament and general affembly named commiffioners to carry them to the king. Thele Heath commiffioners arrived at Breda at the time appointed, and prefented the conditions to him, on which the Scots would admit him to the exercife of the regal power. They confifted of these four articles: 1. That all those who have been, and continue excom-Conditions municate by the kirk of Scotland, may be removed from ha- prefented to ving any access to the court. the King b the Scotch 2. That he would be pleafed to declare, that he would commifby folemn oath under his hand and feal, allow the national fioners. covenant of Scotland, and the folemn league and covenant Phillips of Scotland, England and Ireland; and that he would pro- Clarendon, fecute the ends thereof in his royal ftation. 3. That he would ratify and approve all acts of parliament, enjoining the folemn league and covenant, and eftablishing prefbyterian government, the directory of worship, the confeffion of faith and catechifm in the kingdom of Scotland, as they are already approved by the general affembly of the kirk, and by the parliament of that kingdom, and that he would give his royal affent to the acts of parliament injoining the fame in the rest of his dominions, and that he would obferve the fame in his own practice and family, and never make oppofition therein, or endeavour any change thereof. 4. That he would confent and agree that all matters civil might be determined by the present and subsequent parliaments of the kingdom of Scotland, all matters ecclefiaftical by the ensuing general assemblies of the kirk, as that it was writ. Rapin. The lord Clarendon owns, the king had given the marquis a commiffion to raise a force together. See tom. III. p. 269. And Warwick's Mem. p. 355. The commiffioners from the ef was tates were, the earls of Caffils and P. 595 III. p. 267. Bates. 1649. was formerly condefcended and agreed to by his late fa ther. Reflections After hearing thefe conditions, the king demanded, whether these papers they had delivered to him, contained all the particulars which they had to propound or defire? Whether they had power to recede from any particular article, or to treat with him concerning the affistance of Scotland, to place him on the throne of England? They answered, their commiffion extended only to the offering of these propofitions, and to receive either his confent or refusal. Thefe conditions, which to the Scots appeared very juft. upon these lawful, and abfolutely neceffary for the fafety of Scotland, propofitions. feemed to the king very hard and unreasonable. This con trariety will not appear ftrange, if it is confidered, that the king and the Scots reafoned upon different principles, and with oppofite views. And this it will not be improper to unfold. The people of Scotland were perfuaded, they had been oppreffed by James VI. in the establishment of epifcopacy in Scotland by that prince, which had been abolished by the reformation that this had been effected by addrefs, by artifice, by violence, whilft corrupt parliaments were employed to enact new laws concerning religion, without confulting the kirk, contrary to her will and exprefs declarations: that Charles I. by a fraud fupported with force, had invested himfelf with a power of ordaining whatever he pleased in matters of religion, by virtue of an act fuppofed by him to be granted by a plurality of voices, though it was rejected: that by this pretended power, he had not only restored bishops to their revenues and government in the church, but also given them a jurifdiction more extenfive than ever: that he had eftablished a high commiffion to fupport that injustice, and entirely fuppreffed the general affemblies. In a word, that he had changed the presbyterian government, established by the reformation, into an hierarchy, exactly like that of the church of England: that he had alfo attempted to impofe upon them a liturgy and canons, unknown to their ancestors, and to reduce the worship of the church of Scotland, to a perfect conformity with that of England. that the people of Scotland, for their own preservation, and the maintenance of their rights, fo manifeftly invaded, had judged it proper to unite in a covenant, intended for the prefervation of the king's just rights and the privileges of the people and kirk: that the king, not contented with what of right belonged to him, had twice made war upon his Scotch fubjects to main tain his ufurped power, and render Scotland dependent upon 1649.1 England: that the war had been ended by a treaty, to which the king would not have confented, if he had not been forced to it by the affairs of England: that after the treaty he came into Scotland, where he granted his fubjects whatever they demanded, and even those things which before he had haughtily and obftinately refused: that therefore it was to be fufpected, he had only accommodated himself to the times, till a favourable opportunity offered, to revoke his conceffions: that it was not strange the Scots fhould entertain that fufpicion, fince the king, by the fame conduct in England, had deftroyed all confidence in him: that it was therefore abfolutely neceffary to reduce him to a state, which would remove all danger of his retracting: that to this end, the Scots had made with the English a folemn league, as having the fame common interest, and that the fword had decided in favour of the allies against the king: that notwithstanding the decifion, the Scots had never thought of withdrawing from the obedience due to the king, but only of obtaining other fecurity than his bare word: that the tragical death of Charles I. had not changed the state of affairs in Scotland, or procured them the fo long defired fecurity: that they requir ed no more of the new king. than they had a right to demand of his father that their defires were not unjuft, fince they expected only to be maintained in the ftate, which they enjoyed before the two laft kings had attempted to alter the eftablished religion according to their caprice, and the pleafure of their English counsellors: that they had run all hazards to restore themselves to the condition from whence they were fallen: that God having granted them a happy fuccefs, they faw no fufficient reafon to oblige them to defift, and expole their repofe and religion to the caprices of a young prince, who was known to be of the fame fentiments and principles as his father and grandfather: that the conditions offered him, limited not his prerogative as king of Scotland, but only put it out of his power, to tread in the fteps of his father: that in offering him the crown of Scotland, it was lawful to require, that he fhould govern according to the true interest of the kingdom: that if thefe conditions appeared to him contrary to his intereft with regard to England, he was at liberty to reject them; but his intereft with refpect to England, was not a good reason to engage the Scots to venture their happiness, in leaving him to govern as he pleafed: that it was not yet fifty years fince James VI. became king of England, and that Charles I. having loft that crown by |