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النشر الإلكتروني

No. 2.]

London, Saturday, 30th January, 1802.

[ Price 10D. CONTENTS.-Proceedings in Parl. 33, 34, c. Armament from Brest, 42. Cession of Louisiana, 44. American Libels at Paris, 54. Press at Vienna, 56. Congress, 46. Treaty bet. Fr. and Spain, 52. Br. Colonies, 53. Gov. Wall, 63. American Affairs, 58. Turkey, 60. Sir E. Hamilton. 62.

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[34 Those who may be desirous of receiving a regular | licacy and importance. With regard to the supply of this work are respectfully requested to make latter subject of the noble earl's inquiry, application to their respective newsmen in London; his lordship stated, that ministers were duly If they should happen to have no newsmen, and aware of the sailing of the expedition from should be at a loss to know to whom to apply, a line addressed to Mr. Richard Bagshaw, Bow Street, Co- Brest, and that they had reason to believe, vent Garden, will be punctually attended to.-The that the objects of France were of a legitifirst and second numbers may be obtained by the mate nature. He further observed, that he same mode of application. thought the interests of our own possessions in the West-Indies required that the expedition should be attended with success; but, that ministers had taken such precautionary steps, relative to the occasion, as appeared to them politic and proper. For the short adjournments of Parliament his lordship said, that sufficient grounds had certainly existed, but that they now no longer existed in such force as to render it necessary for ministers to detail them to the House.

PROCEEDINGS IN PARLIAMENT.
January 19, 1802.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Soox after their lordships assembled, Lord Pelham moved, that the House do adjourn 'till Wednesday the 3d of February. On the question being put,

The Earl of Carlisle rose, and observed, that, as great anxiety prevailed with respect to the repeated short adjournments, he thought his Majesty's ministers were now, at least, called upon to give an explanation of the cause of such an extraordinary mode of proceeding; and that some explanation was also due from them on another, and more important, point--the sailing of the French fleet and army to the West-Indies. This expedition, his lordship observed, was said to be fitted out for the sole purpose of regulating certain concerns in the French islands; and, if so, it might, perhaps, if successful, be productive of no evils to this kingdom; but, Le apprehended, that this was a point not so clear as to preclude the necessity of an official explanation, especially when it was considered, that we were, for aught the country kaew to the contrary, still in a state of hostility with Spain, which power, had just sent out a squadron under convoy of the French flag. Such an alarming expedition as this having been sent out during an interval, which must be regarded as a truce, called loudly on ministers for explanation. His lordship said he hoped, and, indeed, that he doubted not, that they had taken precautions, adequate to the emergency, for securing our valuable West-India possessions, though he had heard of no British force being sent to that quarter, except four sail of the line.

The question was then put, and their lordships adjourned 'till the 3d of February.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that, when the House last met, the reasons, which had induced him to propose motions for short adjournments, could scarcely be said to exist; but, as a bare possibility might be said to remain of the necessity of resorting to the wisdom of parliament, he had thought it his duty to act as he had done; but he was happy to state, that the causes, which then influenced his conduct, were now entirely removed. He expressed his astonishment, that an opinion should have gone abroad, that, on this day, it was his intention to make a communication to the House, on the cause of its late short adjournments. He observed, that, though the cause might be perfectly understood, it might, nevertheless, be very improper to make it a subject of public discussion, and that the silence of ministers, on a great national object, by no means implied a wish for concealment. He had now, he said, described the ground of his conduct in a manner, which, he hoped, would be perfectly intelligible; and, as it did not appear, that it required the interpo"sition of Parliament, the less was said of it the better. He concluded by moving, that the House do adjourn 'till the 2d February.

Mr. Elliot said, that he could not permit Lard Pelham replied, that he could not the question to pass without expressing the accede to the propriety of such a mode of regret and disappointment he felt that a questioning ministers, on points of such de-proposition for an adjournment to so dis

plicity on the part of France. He thought however, that ministers should have guarde against such a case, and should not hav permitted the expedition to proceed, withou having previously stipulated its exact force If there was such a stipulation, and Franc had violated it by dispatching a greate force than was agreed to, it was an act o the most flagrant and hostile perfidy on he part. Nevertheless even in that case h could not acquit ministers of supineness, i not having provided means either for com pelling France to an adherence to her en gagement, or for immediately counteractin the prejudicial effects of its infringement But whatever the circumstances attendin tre transaction might be, the perilous pre dicament, in which it left the interests o the country was obvious. With such a advantage gained on the part of France, h should be glad to ask with what weight an influence the noble marquis to whom the interests of this country are entrusted a Amiens (and to whom he could not allud without expressing the veneration, esteem and affection he entertained for him,) coul press any questions that might arise in the course of the negotiation for the definitive treaty? Whatever might be the state of the business at the present moment, it was n absurd or wild conjecture to suppose tha some points of difficulty might occur in the course of a negotiation of such magnitud and importance. For instance, it was no extravagant to imagine, that the extent o the cessions in Guiana might become a mat

tant a day should be made, without such an explanation on the present alarming predicament of public affairs, as he thought the House had now fair pretentions to expect. Near a month had elapsed since intelligence was received of the departure of the naval armament from the ports of France, which he believed he was justified in describing to be, in point of magnitude, almost unprecedented in the quarter of the globe, to which it was said to be destined. After such an interval, he had flattered himself that his Majesty's ministers would have been enabled to have afforded the House the satisfaction of knowing, that a successful representation had been made to the government of France, on a subject which must necessarily excite much solicitude and apprehension in this country. He had conceived too, that his Majesty's ministers would have been the more anxious to have made some communication, because, from any thing that had hitherto transpired, it was difficult to account for so extraordinary an event, otherwise than by some fraudulent department, on the part of the French government, or by some very reprehensible remissness on the part of those who have the management of the affairs of this country. Whether the state of the French islands in the West-Indies was such as to Require, even pending the negotiation of peace, so large a military force as that which has been sent thither, he could not take upon himself to determine. On that point he must necessarily give credit to ministers, but surely it could not be neces-ter of controversy, as there had been already sary that so large a naval force should be dispatched to that quarter. It could hardly be contended that the blacks were in a state of maritime strength, which it required a fleet of between twenty and thirty sail of the line to subdue; because, he believed, they could scarcely produce as many canoes. But if ministers, under the persuasion of the necessity of such a measure, did permit the dispatch of so large a military force, he was very sincere in not imputing to them a previous knowledge that it was the intention of France to accompany that military force by a naval armament of such alarming magnitude. At the same time he could not presume, that they did not endeavour to ascertain the amount of the naval force which it was in the contemplation of France to send out, and if there had been any communication with the French government on that point, and ministers had been deceived in the formation they had received in respect to it, there must days been some du

two explanations of it, one from the minis
ters in that house, and another from person:
of authority in the French councils, and both
different. It would not be contended tha
our ambassador could urge a compliance
with his representation on that point, if it
should meet with opposition on the part o
the French government, otherwise than at
the risk of a renewal of hostilities; and i
hostilities should be renewed, France might
recommence them by some important blow
on our possessions in a quarter where, a few
months ago, she did not possess the means of
annoyance. He did not mean to assert that
France would act in this
he was rather
way;
inclined to think that she would not pursue
any ulterior object of aggrandizement until
she had secured to herself the possession of
those valuable cessions which had been so
liberally made to her by the preliminaries of
peace. But she might form such a formida-
ble dépôt of naval force in the western
hemisphere as would oblige Great-Britain

it was his firm and honest conviction that nothing could save this nation from furnishing to the world an awful example of the extinction of the glory of a great and flourishing country, through imbecility of councils and inefficiency of conduct.

to maintain an equal degree of maritime trength there, and expose the country to the expense and other multiplied inconveriences of large establishments; and if this bould be the case, what would become of all those speculations that were so fondly indulged on the cheapness and economy of Lord Hawkesbury said, that the hon. genpeace? On the other hand, France availed tleman, who had preceded him, spoke like herself of all the advantages of an armed one who wished the definitive treaty to be naval force; and had already acquired a broken off, and, that the tone, in which he temporary superiority, at least in that por- had delivered his sentiments, deprived them tion of the seas which contained some of our of a considerable portion of that high remost valuable possessions. These benefits spect, which he entertained for the hon. she enjoyed, though the language which she gentleman himself. His lordship observed, held was little calculated to remove all un- that the notion, which seemed now, as on a easiness; for she had scarcely published a former occasion, to be entertained, that, bestate paper in which she did not zealously tween the signing of preliminary articles assert what she calls the liberty of the seas, and that of a definitive treaty, no alteration and did not inculcate that code of maritime whatever could take place in the relative regulations, which seemed contrived for the situation of the forces of the parties, without very purpose of annihilating the naval and implying an hostile intention, he could not commercial power of this country. This help regarding as erroneous. He said, that being the hazardous situation in which the he never understood such an alteration to Coentry was placed, he confessed he had be a subject of complaint; unless, indeed, toped for some communication on the cir- attended with some concomitant circumConstances that had produced it. After the stances, unequivocally hostile. On many interval of a month some ships were on the occasions, this country had made changes in point of sailing, but this, though it recog- the disposition of her forces, during the inLized some jealousy on the part of ministers terval between the date of the preliminaries of the views of France, did not display any and that of the definitive treaty, and on no very commendable promptitude of prepara- occasion more than on the present, when a fon for the resistance of her designs. He great part of our force had been brought had not made this statement for the purpose from Egypt, a measure against which the of throwing a gloom and despondency over French might, with equal propriety, complain, the country. He wished only to draw a as tending to strengthen the defence of true picture of our situation, that our efforts Great-Britain. This, he said, was a subject right be in proportion to the exigency of of peculiar delicacy, and one upon which Jar affairs. His object was to excite the he could not explain himself so fully as he attention of the country to the arduous pre- might otherwise have wished; but he thought dicament in which it stood, and to stimulate himself at liberty to state, that the French fleet inisters to exertion. The emergency was did not sail without previous communication made to pressing, and time was swift. We were the government of this country. What the nature now in the course of a most critical commu- of the communication was, he declined to nication with a power which knew not how explain; yet he thought it right to add, to rest. A power which was all vigilance, that, according to his belief and conviction, all design, all energy, all activity. We there was nothing attending the sailing of could not repose even for a moment, in the French armament that manifested hoswhich it would not avail itself of our relaxa-tility to this kingdom. At the same time, tion. We could not leave bare and ex- however, he trusted that credit would be posed even a crevice, into which it would given to ministers for having taken the nePot endeavour to insinuate itself. It was cessary precautions to render our force, in actuated by a proud and haughty ambition, the quarter alluded to, not inferior to that of and a furious lust of dominion, that nothing France. His lordship observed, that the could satiate short of universal empire. Its hon. gentleman had spoken of the tardy ystem was vicious, but it had all the quali- diligence of ministers, without knowing ties that belonged to a depravity of an ex- what ships they had sent out, or from what ted cast. It was not to be met by lan- quarter they had been sent. The hon. gengour, tameness, and submission; and unless tleman had also asked, in what situation ministers evinced more watchfulness and Lord Cornwallis would be placed by this Figour then present appearances indicated, movement of the French; in reply to which

his lordship said, that he knew of nothing | that could render it necessary for that nobleman to hold language less firm and vigorous than that which had hitherto been held. His lordship concluded by observing, that the speech of the hon. gentleman seemed to indicate no wish for the conclusion of the definitive treaty upon, fair and equitable terms, but rather for the entire failure of an object, the accomplishment of which was so earnestly desired by the House, and by the nation at large.

Dr. Lawrence said, that it appeared to him to be rather a new and cavalier mode of treating the House of Commons, to say to any gentleman, you differ from me upon the subject of peace, and, therefore, your observations are not entitled to respect.' If danger was stated to threaten the country, it was the duty of ministers to examine into the fact; and, if the danger was found to exist, to satisfy the House of their wish and their endeavours to remove it, or, at least, to ward off its menacing effects. His hon. friend had not said, that it was the intention of France to renew hostilities: he had conceived her intention to be, to establish a preponderating force in the in the neighbourhood of our most valuable and most vulnerable foreign possessions; and he would be glad to know what answer had been given, or attempted to be given, to that argument. The noble lord had observed, that we had brought home a great part of our troops from Egypt, of which movement the French might, with equal propriety, complain; forgetting, undoubtedly, that the object of France in making peace was to remove those troops out of Egypt-a removal, indeed, which, by a stipulation of the preliminaries, we are obliged to effect; so that, to make out a parallel in the two cases, we have only to find some other stipulation, by which France engages to send out an immense armament to menace our West-India possessions. The learned gentleman observed, that the noble lord's illustration would, therefore, have been much less unlucky, if he had supposed it likely for the French to complain of the bringing home of our fleet from the blockade of Brest.-He proceeded to state, that Toussaint professed to be in the service of the Republic of France, that he held his commission from her, that all his acts were done in her name and behalf, and that, therefore, no satisfactory reason, consistent with the safety of our islands, could be given, why such a formidable armament was sent to that quarter. Even supposing

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Toussaint to have erected the standard o independence, and that the whole of the island were in complete subjection to hi authority, "where," asked the hon. gen tleman," shall we look, Sir, for the us of nearly thirty sail of the line, to sub "due a negro-chief, who has not a singl cannon floating on the water?" He said that he by no means supposed, that mi nisters would fail to send out a force sut ficient to cope with that of France, wer the two fleets to come to an hostile ren contre; but, it did not follow, he said that the hostile designs of France woul be frustrated; for, though we were to hav a fleet of even superior strength in Por Royal harbour, a descent might, with grea facility, be made on Jamaica, from St Domingo or Cuba. Admitting, however that, by keeping up a great fleet in the West-Indies, our possessions, in that quar ter, would be effectually secured; yet th consequences naturally to be apprehende from two such fleets watching each other movements, together with the intolerable burthen of maintaining such a force, in part of the world so distant, so expensive and so fatal to our seamen, would rende our situation totally unworthy of the name of peace. The preliminary treaty he dis liked; but, it having been sanctioned by those, who were better qualified to decid on its merits than himself, he submitted and by no means wished to break off the definitive treaty. He did, however, think that some stipulation should be insisted on respecting the naval force to be kept up by each power respectively, in the differen parts of the globe; he thought that som security should be obtained for the retur of the vast armament, fitted and sent ou since the signing of the preliminaries which security, he thought, might be found in our retaining a temporary possession o Malta and the Cape of Good Hope. this were refused, no reliance could be placed on the amicable disposition of France because if she contemplated no hostile ob ject, if she sought that peace and harmony which had beer ascribed to her views, i was evidently her interest to keep he naval force in her European ports. Whe ther some stipulation, such as he had men tioned, had already been proposed, he could not tell; but, it appeared to him that Parliament ought to receive early in formation on the subject, and he, therefore thought the House should not adjourn for so long a time. He had, he said, pressed this point the more, because he had heard

I

it stated, that the object of the French was, to make the colony of St. Domingo as formidable to the West-Indies as France is to Europe. Their design appeared to be, to send out more and more of those troops, which the peace has thrown idle on their hands; and, if this design were fered to be carried into execution, neither the strength nor the valour of our teet could prevent the invasion and the ruin of our possessions, without the aid of an army bearing some proportion in numbers to that of France, and, like hers, seasoned to the climate. He concluded with mov. ing," that the House do adjourn 'till *Tuesday next."

The Attorney-General regarded the speech of the learned gentleman as having no other o ect than that of irritating ministers to a 4-closure of what they ought to conceal, and of obstructing the work of peace. The hon. gentleman (Mr. Elliot) had, he vid, in imputing fraudulent practices and base artifice to a power, with which we were treating for permanent tranquillity, ated in a manner little consistent with the nity or liberality of the House of Commons; and, he must, in whatever way he considered the speeches of the hon. and the learned gentlemen, conclude, that the thief motive of them was, to impede, emarrass, and set aside, a negotiation, which * begun under the sanction of Parliament, and the success of which was earnestly dired by almost the total mass of the nhabitants of this country, a motive which, e trusted, would not meet with the approtation of the House.

Mr. Jones, in order to shew the earnestress and sincerity of his wishes for peace, said, that, when considered in conjunction with that object, he regarded the sailing of the French armament as a speck in the Yet, he could not approve of the condat of ministers in suffering that great armament to sail before the conclusion of the definitive treaty, the terms of which, he rehended (notwithstanding what had allen from the noble lord), could not be rendered more favourable to us by the perision which was thus given to the French, to treat with us sword in hand, and to hold at sword pointed at our most vulnerablepart: hat such was the way to obtain good and Enourable terms of peace common sense bade us to believe. Nor could he give approbation to these short adjournments; mode of holding petty sessions. Under impression, he owned he wished, with e learned gentleman (Dr. Lawrence) for

some information; and he thought it would be perfectly proper for the minister to do away the prevailing rumours, anxiety; and alarm, as well as at once to make some communication, to enable the House to form a correct judgment of the state of public affairs, and to repose, without a dereliction of duty, that liberal confidence in ministers to which he hoped they would prove them selves entitled." He concluded by observ ing, that if we were now to bear the enor mous expense of keeping up a powerful fleet and army in the West-Indies, he was ready to confess, that he should not be an admirer even of what was called peace and plenty-peace without a cessation of arms, and plenty without bread.

The amendment of Dr. Lawrence was put, and negatived. The original motion was then put, and carried, without a di

vision.

Several accounts and estimates were laid on the table, after which the House adjourncd 'till the 2d of February.

PROCEEDINGS OF THE FRENCH
GOVERNMENT.

Armament from Brest.
(Continued from our last.)

That no armament whatever was necessary to reduce Toussaint to obedience is clear from the following facts. Not many months ago, a M. de la Caze was sent out to St. Domingo by the French government, and was, by Toussaint, immediately installed as governor of the Spanish part of the island, an office to which he had been appointed by Buonaparté, and which he holds at this time, his residence being in the city of Santo Domingo. Some frauds, on the custom-house of Cape François, and other parts of the island, having been attributed to the American traders, it has, within these six months, been the United States to produce certificates of thought necessary to oblige the ships from the real value of their cargoes at the place of shipment; and these certificates are given by the commercial agents of the Republic of France, residing in the American ports, Pichon, the French ambassador in America, which agents are ordered so to act by who gives public notice of his having issued

such orders.*. We have now before us a

To enable our readers to judge for themselves, we here insert the notice given by Pichon. "Notice is hereby given, to Merchants trading, th the Island of St. Domingo, That the government of

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