till a very late hour in the morning; the speeches were long and animated, that of Led Grenville on one side, and of the Lord Chancellor, on the other, displayed such knowledge, and eloquence, as have seldom been displayed even by the august assembly, in which those speeches were delivered. Upon the division there appeared, Contents , Proxies 20, Non-contents 10.-The noncontents were, the Marquis of Buckingham, Earls Pembroke, Warwick, Fitzwilliam, Radnor, Sincer, and Caernarvon, Lords Grenville and Gedir, and the Bishop of Rochester. In the Commons, on the same day, and on the same question, the address was moved by Sir Edmund Hartop, and seconded by Mr. La (member for Dungarvon in Ireland,) who, in reverting to the object of the war, observed, that bad it commenced on a principle exterference in the internal forms of government nawother country, he did not hesitate to say, that at would bave been totally unjustifiable. Mr. T. Grille, in replying to this part of the speech of Mr. Lee, observed, that while he denied the object of the war to have been an intention to restore monarchy to France, be could not admit (in the unqualified manner which the gentleman had laid it down) the maxim, that one nation had no right to interfere with the internal government of another. The address was supported by Lord Hawkesbury, Mr. Banks, Mr. Pitt, Mr. Fox, Lard Castlereagh, and Mr. Addington; and was opposed by Mr.Thomas Grenville, Lord Temple, Lord Folkestone, Dr. Lawrence, and Mr. Winda. No division took place. The speech of Lord Hawkesbury which was very long and very able, contained some statements conveying great information, amongst which was the following, presenting a comparative view of our commerce upon an average of the three last years of peace, and the three last years of war. His lordship said that by the paper which he held in his hand, it * The writers on the law of nations are unanimous inarsetting, that in cases of revolt, the neighbouring vote gns of states have a right to interpose, in behalf ahichever party they regard as having justice on ryside. But, to justify subfi interposition, all these thorities agree, that the interposing power must act nd in the name of, the party whose cause it thinks per to espouse; and on this ground, we should anarly tail of justification. This was the original of the war. Its baleful influence was felt from drawing to the sheathing of the sword. It was fet committed in compliance with the clamours of the ignorant and-disaffected, and it finally baffled all the measures of the wisest and most eloquent men, that ever enlightened and adorned the councils of a appeared that the value of exports of British plantation for three years preceding this war, was £2,185,000. For three years of this war, £3,561,000.-Colonial produce for the same time for peace, £3,877,000. During war £5,101,000.-East-India imports for three years of peace, £3,183,000. For the same period of war, £5,617,000.Exports of British manufactures to America, three years of peace, £3,694,000. For the same period of war, £6,232,000.—British manufactures, &c. to our colonies for three years of peace, £747,000. War in the same period, £1,224,000.-British manufactures exported to the Continent of Europe, £1,530,000. War, £2,145;ÇOO. On the 4th of November, when the report of the address was brought up, Lord Temple wished to be informed, whether ministers were in possession of any knowledge of the ratification of a treaty between Portugal and France, and whether they were assured, that the ratification did not extend to any cessions of territory, made since the treaty of Badajos; to which Lord Hawkesbury replied, that ministers were in possession of no official information relative to the treaty in question, but that he could assure the noble Lord that the ratification now spoken of did not extend to any points of cession.*On the report of the address Mr. Windham and Dr. Laurence, Mr. C. Wynn, and Mr. Elliot, delivered their sentiments in opposition to the preliminaries of peace. The Secretary at War, Mr. Wilberforce, and several other members, spoke in defence of them; after which the address passed without a division. On the 12th of November, both houses gave their unanimous thanks to General Sir Jobn Hely Hutchinson, to Admiral Lord Keith, to Admirals Rainier, Blanket, Bickerton, and Warren, and to the officers, soldiers, sailors, and marines, under their command, in, and on the coast of Egypt. The Convention with Russia was the subject of discussion, in both houses, on the 13th of *The treaty, here spoken of, is that concluded between France and Portugal, at Madud, on the 20th of September, and which will be found in a subsequent number of this work. By this treaty, which has been ratified and announced to the world through the French counsellor of state, in a speech delivered to the legislative body, the boundaries of France, on the Continent of South America, are extended to the River Amazons. They were, by a former treaty, extorted from Portugal,and extended as far as the Arowary. At whichever point France may stop, she will have the absolute command of the Amazons, which exposes the best colonies of Portugal to her uruptions. November. The principal speakers, in the Lords, were Lord Grenville and the Lord Chancellor. The former delivered a speech of great length and ability, the chief object of which was, to convince their lordships of the perplexity, and even danger, that must inevitably arise from the wording, and the terms, of the convention, as it now stood, and to prevail on his Majesty's ministers to adopt such new arrangements as might, before it was too late, prevent the evils he dreaded. It is in vain to look into any (not excepting the most ample and correct) of the printed reports, for even an outline of this speech, which, whether considered as to its arrangement, its reasoning, or its language, was certainly one of the most finished that ever was made, in any assembly in the world. On the 28th of December, in the house o Commous, Mr. Thomas Grenville expresse his apprehensions, that the noble lord at th board of the foreign department, would b induced to lower his tone, in the pendin negotiation, and that much worse term would be obtained, in consequence of h Majesty's ministers having suffered Buona parté to send out, into the neighbourhoo of our valuable and vulnerable colonies, s considerable an armament, as that whic was well understood to have lately saile from the harbour of Brest; and he wishe to know, if ministers possessed any consola tory information on that alarming subjec The Chancellor of the Exchequer declined enter ing into any explanation as to the sailing o the armament, or the precautions which w had adopted relative thereto; but assure The Lord Chancellor made an able reply, the hon. gentleman, that the circumstanc though he rose under an en barrassment, would not induce the noble lord (Hawkes which he was not ashamed to acknow-bury) to lower his tone in the pending ue ledge. gotiation.* The address of thanks to the throne passed without a division, as it also did in the Commons. Two topics only, of any political import ance, remain to be noticed: the renewed conversation, respecting the integrity of Portugal, and the sailing of the French fleet and army. The two houses met (pursuant to the ad journment) on Thursday last, and adjourne to Tuesday the 19th, when they are to b again adjourned to the 28th instant, o which day they will meet for the dispatch o public business. PROCEEDINGS OF THE FRENCH The Expedition from Brest. Since the signing of the preliminaries o peace, we have entered on a scene entirely surrounded our enemy in every direction new. Before this event took place, w His squadrons, blocked up by our own, rotted quietly in their ports. Solely occupied with the means of his own defence, and threat ened in the colonies which he still retained as well as in those which belonged to his In the House of Commons, on the 21st of December, Mr. Windham wished to know, whether, in the progress of the pending negotiations with France, any definitive arrangements bad been settled, relative to the integrity of Portugal. It was well known, he said, that, previously to our having formed the preliminary treaty with France, France had, unknown to us, formed another treaty with Portugal, by the operation of which, the stipulations contained in our treaty, in favour of the latter, would be rendered completely nugatory; which, if suffered to pass, we must be considered as submitting to a most scandalous fraud. Mr. Addington (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) replied, that he had no hesitation to declare, that his Majesty's ministers had every authority, short of actual and defini-important river, and exposes the richest possessions tive signatures, to rely, that the treaty of Badajos was to be considered, on all sides, as the basis of definitive arrangement with regard to Portugal, and that the treaty of Madrid was to be annulled.* From this declaration it appears, that, notwithstanding the speech of the Counsellor of State Defermont, in the legislative body of France, Buonaparté has been prevailed upon by our government to elinquish the cession, in South America, made by W Portugal to France, in their last treaty; and, ther of our ancient ally to their predatory incursions. *It is sincerely to be wished, that the ministry may not be deceived by the enemy; but there is but too good reason to fear that they will. That Toussaint is, to all intents and purposes, an officer, and a faithful officer, under Buonaparté is a fact, which, in Mr. Cobbett's Letters to Mr. Addington, is established upon proof as good as that which our laws require to decide on the death of a criminal. This being the case, the reduction of Toussaint to obedience must be regarded as a mere cover to some hostile design against the possessions of England. at alles, he despaired of being able to hurt But we have now become passive spectators of all the enterprises, which that ever meditating and ever mischievous enemy may be inclined to undertake. The enterprises of France have, indeed, no limits but ose of possibility, even when such possitexty is extended by a concurrence of all the fortunate circumstances, with which Frovidence may favour those, who are cestined to be the scourge of the world. That government, which under the most favourable circumstances dared to form 250 execute the plan of transporting fortyive thousand men to Egypt, is now berty to act; it does not lose an instant, and its very first scheme is an expedition, fr more extensive and astonishing in its nature, than that which, with so much tality, subjugated Egypt, was about to conquer Syria, and perhaps to overthrow the Ottoman Empire, if it had not been stopped in its career by the heroic genius of aman, who, though still in a station completely subordinate, rendered the most important services to his country and to the iverse. Posterity, when perusing the history of our times, will doubtless ask who was that Sir Sidney Smith, who performed uch wonderful feats, and will not learn without astonishment, that he still remained uly a captain in the English navy. On the 16th of December last, twentyrships of the line, seventeen frigates, ight corvettes or luggers, making a total forty-seven ships of war, divided into five squadrons, sailed from the ports of Brest, l'Orient, and Rochefort. The divions consisted of three squadrons of the ne, one of light vessels, and one of obseration; on board these ships, together with Que transport vessels, were twenty-five housand troops, provided with all the means fconquests, which could be collected by e most powerful and victorious nation in Curope. Does this formidable armament, hich is far superior to all those that have, t any period whatever, been dispatched the new world, belong to a nation who the friend or ally of Great-Britain ?—No. es it belong to a neutral power?-No. To whom then does it belong? To an inverate and all-powerful enemy, with whom e are not yet at peace. With whose ores a free communication is yet intercted by law. The armistice and preminaries themselves are a sufficient proof the state of warfare. If we are asked at armistice and what preliminaries? The armistice in question confines our forces and liberates those of our enemy. The preliminaries are, on our part, clear and simple concessions, as incontestible as important; on the part of our enemy they are nominal and equivocal restrictions; restrictions which, generally speaking, will not bear a comparison with some of the concessions that have been made by us; for, what sensible person will believe that the Order of St. John of Jerusalem will begin by being restored to its independence, in order to be afterwards invested with the real sovereignty of the island of Malta; that the guaranteeing power will be capable of protecting this island without having first taken possession of it; that the integrity of Turkey, Naples, and Portugal, will be respected, since it is rendered impossible for us to afford them assistance; that the Cape will be open to us in time of war; who, in short, will believe all... on which the pretended advantages of the peace are secured to Great-Britain? The nation justly alarmed, reflects on, and shudders at, an armament which threatens its most valuable possessions. The minister when interrogated in the senate, as to the official knowledge which he had of this subject, replies in a manner that obliges us to have recourse to conjectures. The avowed object of this armament is the reduction of the Island of St. Domingo. This island is now in fact possessed by a collection of black slaves, who have been made free by the folly and madness of their masters. The war between England and France restricted this new nation to the government of its internal concerns.. At length, the evacuation of the island by, the English forces, and some positive stipulations entered into with Toussaint, the chief of its government, made it an independent nation, while commercial agreements, which, although they have not been published, are nevertheless real, have rendered it, in some repects, a nation allied to GreatBritain. We shall not at present attempt to discuss the grand question which is here afforded. Is St. Domingo, possessed by a nation of independent negroes, more to be dreaded by the English colonies of a similar kind, than the same island restored to the dominion of the present French government? We will suppose for a moment that this question is decided in the affirmative. We will suppose likewise that the con ventions, which are said to have taken cipate the predatory designs, which place, between Great-Britain and the pre-regicides have on the British proprietors sent Government of St. Domingo, are either those colonies; that the principal Engi imaginary, or considered as not obligatory. colonies would not be secure from invas We may, nevertheless, be allowed to ex- by such considerable forces; and that c press our astonishment that no question sequently Buonaparté, sure of obtaining, should have been put to ministers relative means of the sword, more than was p to the nature of any engagements whatever, mised him in the West-Indies at lea which may exist between this country and would not impose on us harder terms St. Domingo. all the points, which remain to be i termined? The result of these different suppositions is, that our government ought not to op- If the English government, in stipulati pose any obstacle to the efforts made by the armistice, has not specified in detail, a that of the French, to reduce this colony with precision, the movements of the for to a state of obedience; and as, while and squadrons of the enemy, the prelic anxious for the attainment of the object, the naries are not a treaty of peace, but rathe means which may tend to effect it, ought miserable capitulation, made precipitate not to be neglected; and, that, therefore, by men who, covered by a feeble entrenc the English government ought to permit (for, ment, are trembling for the moment when till the peace, it was at the option of the will be carried by assault. If the depart English nation, but in future it will be at of this expedition be contrary to the spi that of the French nation to permit) the and letter of the treaty, it was a shame French government to employ the means pusillanimity that tolerated it, or a gr and the force necessary for the reduction of negligence that it was not prevented; ar this island, considering it as an advantageous if it has been authorized by any secret artic event to the two governments, though in then has the minister most grossly misce some degree very unequal. But in admit-ceived the interest of the nation. ting the truth of these conclusions (a truth which is at present only hypothetical) does it follow that the English government has not a right 'till after the absolute conclusion of the peace, to urge the delay in the execution of a similar measure? Does it fear, lest a few months, added to ten years, should render more contagious the example of revolt, which has been given to the blacks in our colonies? Did it not perceive, that the great interest which Buonaparté has for taking possession again of such an important colony, would induce him to accelerate the period of the definitive peace, if this were the only epoch at which he would be permitted to execute the enterprise in question, and consequently cause him to desist from the innumerable difficulties, which might be raised, relative to objects as complex as those which are yet to be determined in the congress at Amiens? Ought not the English government to have foreseen, that if, on the contrary, Buonaparté were permitted to send immediately to the Westİndies such formidable land and sea forces, the Island of St. Domingo would speedily be reduced; that the inhabitants of the other Dutch and French colonies, finding those territories were restored by England to their former masters, would, some of them from a spirit of party, others with a view to escape Dutch fleet also carries troops. What an immer a vengeance of which they were in dread, armament! thirty thousand regular troops cart and all from national antipathy, anti-out by sixty ships of war! We have already seen, and it will perceived in the suppositions that we inte to examine, that the English governme was by no means to oppose any effor which the French government might ma (after the definitive peace) for the redu tion of St. Domingo; but it will doubtle not be disputed, that every measure whi is not necessary for that purpose, and whi can only have for its object the menaci of our possessions, ought not to be tolerated and, that it would be better to resort aga to arms than to place ourselves at t mercy of our enemy. On this principle, us examine the nature of the armament Buonaparté. The African consul has a black arm the number of which varies, according different accounts, from twenty to thir thousand men. The Corsican consul cou not therefore effect his enterprize, witho conveying thither land forces capable subjugating those he denominates rebe But we have never heard of the fleet Toussaint. What, then, could have be the object of such a considerable maritime To the twenty-two ships of the line, sevente frigates, and eight sloops of war, are to be add three Dutch ships of the line, six or seven friga and, without doubt, several smaller vessels. T rial and Royal Majesty, and with the formal consent of the Empire: 1st. The Comté of Falkenstein, with its dependen cies. ament? Against what enemy is it des- most formal manner, so that his Imperial and Royal ed? The maritime powers of the North Majesty, for himself and his successors, as well in his ve not a single ship of war in the West-nounces all his right and title to the said provinces, own name as in that of the Germanic Empire, rets. The Spanish and Dutch marine which shall be possessed henceforth as their sovereign ake a part of the French navy. This im- right and property, by the French Republic, with all ese fleet, therefore, has no other object also be given up to the French Republic by his Impethe territorial property dependant on it. There shall to render independent of England, from is time, the numerous forces transported to e new world by Buonaparté, and at once make the French possessions in America bear as threatening an aspect towards the colonies which are left to us in that quarter the globe, as France herself now bears dards Great-Brirain. And all this at a fire too, when the French fleets must wait fer the permission of the British Admiralty sail from their ports; it is even before the French have in their possession those r-merous and important acquisitions, which tave cost us so much and them so little, they are bold enough to make such tempts, and the English minister is bold cough to suffer them. Hitherto we have proceeded upon the maposition that Toussaint is actually in lity to Buonaparté; but, that this is not he case is now proved beyond contradiction or doubt. What is, therefore, the real ect of this formidable armament, shall the subject of our future enquiries. (To be continued) STATE PAPERS. of Peace concluded at Luneville on February 1st, 1801, between the French Republic, and the Emperor, and the Germanic Body. 2d. The Frickthal, and all belonging to the House of Austria on the left bank of the Rhine, between Zurich and Basle: the French Republic reserving to itself the right of ceding the latter Country to the Hel vetic Republic. III. It is also agreed, in renewal and confirmation that his Majesty the Emperor and King shall possess of the 6th Article of the Treaty of Campo Formio, in sovereignty, and as his right, the Countries below enumerated, viz. Istria, Dalmatia, and the Venetian Isles in the Adriatic dependant upon those Countries, the Bocca de Cattaro, the city of Venice, the Canals and the country included between the Hereditary States of his Majesty the Emperor and King; the Adriatic Sea and the Adige from its leaving the Tyrol to the mouth of the said Sea; the Towing-path of the Adige serving as the line of limitation. And as by this divided, there shall be established on the middle of line the cities of Verona and Porto-Legnago will be the bridges of the said cities, draw-bridges to mark the separation. IV. The 8th Article of the Treaty of Campo Formio is also renewed thus far, that his Majesty the Ems peror and King binds himself to vield to the Duke of Modena, as an indemnity for the Countries which this Prince and his heirs had in Italy, the Brisgau, which he shall hold on the same terms as those by virtue of which he possesses the Modenese, V. It is moreover agreed, that His Royal Highness the Grand Duke of Tuscany shall renounce, for himself, his successors, &c. the Grand Duchy of Tu cany, and that part of the Isle of Elba, which is dependant upon it, as well as all right and title resulting from his claims on the said States, which shall be henceforth possessed in complete sovereignty, and as his own property, by His Royal Highness the Infant Duke of Parma. The Grand Duke shall obtain in Germany a full and complete indemnity for his Italian States. The Grand Duke shall dispose, at pleasure, of the goods and property which he possesses in Tuscany, either by personal acquisition, or by descent from his grand-father the Emperor Francis I. It is also agreed, that the grants, establishments, and other property of the Grand Duchy, as well as the debts secured on the Country, shall pass to the new Grand Duke, The preamble to this Treaty, which is concluded the usual form, has been here omitted, as it would ave occupied too great a portion of room: it is, how, necessary to state, that his Imperial Majesty stiames in the name of the whole Germanic Body; and that reasons for so doing, are, "his anxious desire for race, and the present conjuncture not allowing the essary time for the consultation of the Empire."] Art I. There shall be henceforth and for ever, peace, ty, and good understanding, between His Majesty E: Emperor, King of Hungary and Bohemia, stipuag, as well in his own name as in that of the GerEmpire and the French Republic, his said Maty cagging to cause the Empire to give its Ratificaaia good and due form to the present Treaty. The atest attention shall be paid on both sides to the ntenance of perfect harmony, to preventing all hoses by land and by sea, for whatever cause, or on hatever pretence, and carefully to endeavour to main-re: so that in conformity with what had been ex the union which is now happily established. No asilitance nor protection shall be given, either directly rectly, to those who would do any thing to th. prejudice of either of the Contracting Parties. !!. The cession of the ci-devant Belgic Provinces to the French Republic, stipulated by the 3d Article of the Treaty of Campo Formio is renewed here in the › Vide Mr. Çobber's Letters to Mr. Addington. VI. His Majesty the Emperor and King, as well in his own name as in that of the Germanic Empire, con sents that the French Republic shall possess henceforth in complete sovereignty, and as their property, the Country and Domains situated on the left bank of the Rhine, and which formed part of the Germanic Em pressly consented to at the Congress at Rastadt, by the Deputation of the Empire, and approved by the Emperor, the Towing-path of the Rhine will hence forth be the limit between the French Republic and the Germanic Empire; that is to say, from the place where the Rhine leaves the Helvetic Territory, to that where it enters the Batavian Territory. In consequence of this, the French Republic for mally renounces all possession whatever on the night |