LORD CLARE'S SPEECH,

ON A MOTION OF ADDRESS TO THE LORD LIEUTENANT, &c.

THE Earl of Moira presented the subsequent resolution to the house of lords of Ireland, on the 19th of February 1798, being the repetition of one of the same purport, which he had a short time previously moved, without effect, in the English house of lords.

"That an address be presented to his excellency the lord lieutenant, representing that, as parliament has confided to his excellency extraordinary powers for supporting the laws and for defeating any traitorous combinations which may exist in this kingdom, this house feels it, at the same time, a duty to recommend the adoption of such conciliatory measures as may allay the apprehensions, and extinguish the discontents unhappily prevalent in this country.”

Whether the lenient and conciliatory course, which the resolution proposes could have been prudently pursued, it seems difficult to determine. By the opposite system, though in some instances marked by a "vigour beyond the law," it must be admitted that the daring project of dissolving the connexion between the two countries was defeated, and the dis tractions of those "evil times" allayed.

It

The present speech is a very important one. traces with unusual ability, and detailed exact. ness the discontent of Ireland from its seminal state" through all its progressive stages of growth

till it burst in full maturity in plots, treason, and conspiracy; and shows that, however narrow and restrictive may have been the spirit of British policy towards the sister isle, she in return, has been no less factious, and disloyal; always eager and importunate in her demands, which no concession could satisfy, and no redress appease.

It moreover contains a complete refutation of the calumnies so industriously circulated against the Irish government while engaged in suppressing the recent rebellions. If the government were guilty of wanton cruelty and oppression, the earl of Moira, who certainly betrayed no want of care or diligence in the collection of proofs of these charges, was exceedingly unfortunate in the choice of those which he adduced. For in the whole catalogue of his allegations, there is not one which lord Clare does not conclusively prove to be either a groundless fabrication, or which, if true, he does not extenuate or justify. The resolution of course was rejected.

We may, with perfect confidence, recommend this admirable speech to the attentive perusal of every one, who is desirous of investigating the "high matters" it discusses, or who is ambitious to cultivate a style of eloquence neat, cogent, and argumentative. In strength, it is a Dorick column of granite, without one of the slight ornaments of the composite.

MY LORDS,

SPEECH, &c.

I AM happy to have an opportunity of discussing this subject with the noble lord in this assembly. I know of none on which there has been such a series of studied and persevering misrepresentation, and certainly very liberal contributions have been made to the common stock, under the sanction and authority of the noble earl's name. If we are to believe reports apparently well authenticated, which have been nearly avowed this night on his part, the noble earl has twice brought forward this subject in the

British house of lords. His first proposition to that! grave assembly was, to address his majesty to interpose his gracious and paternal interference to allay. the discontents subsisting in the kingdom of Ireland, which threatened the dearest interests of the British empire. One principal source of Irish discontent he stated to be, that the Irish Catholicks insisted on their right of sitting in both houses of parliament, from which they are precluded by the statute law of Ireland. Another cause of offence to the people, the noble lord stated to be, that a member of the Irish house of commons had, uninvited and without any apparent necessity, started up in a debate and pronounced an absolute interdiction on the hopes and pretensions of Irish Catholicks. That another mem-› ber in the other house of parliament had equally uninvited and without necessity, started up in his place, and pronounced a sweeping condemnation on the north of Ireland. I will not take upon me to say what might have passed in the house of commons, but I do, with perfect confidence, assure the noble lord, that nothing has passed in this house, since I have had the honour of sitting in it, which can give a shade of justice to an imputation thus cast on one of its members. The noble earl, if we are to credit written and verbal reports, for the authenticity of which I can in some sort vouch, has recently again brought forward the same subject in the same assembly, when without making a distinct proposition upon it, he certainly did in the acceptation of plain understandings pronounce a sweeping condemnation upon every department of the state, civil and military, in the kingdom of Ireland; when he did in the acceptation of plain understandings represent the executive government as acting wantonly on a system of insult and barbarity against an innocent and unoffending people, and the army of Ireland as active instruments in carrying it into rigorous and unrelenting execution. And let me here, with the unfeigned respect which I feel for the name and character of a liberal and high minded gentleman and a gallant sol

dier, put it to the noble lord's good sense on cool and mature reflection, upon what principle he could feel himself justified in passing by this house of parliament, of which he is a member, and making an appeal to the British house of lords, on a subject solely and exclusively cognizable by the parliament of Ireland; let me put it to his good sense, upon what principle he could feel himself justified in pressing the British house of lords to address his majesty, to interpose the influence of the crown to allay discontents in Ireland, which he stated to arise from the operation and effect of Irish statutes, an ad. dress of the British house of lords to his majesty to interpose the influence of the crown to procure a repeal of Irish statutes, of deep and momentous import to the constitution of Ireland. Let me put it to his good sense, if he has not been traduced, upon what principle he can justify a rash, an ill-advised assertion, that a member of this house had, uninvited and without necessity, started up in his place, and pronounced a sweeping condemnation on the north of Ireland, and having made the assertion, urge it as a ground for an address of the British house of lords to his majesty, to interpose his authority against the effects of this assumed parliamentary indiscretion in a peer of Ireland, or perhaps to prevent a repetition of it. And above all, upon what principle he could feel himself justified in a statement to the British house of lords, that the executive government of Ireland, had taught the soldiery to consider and to treat the natives of this country indiscriminately as rebels, and under such a supposition, to goad them with wanton and unexampled insult and barbarity. That the obsolete feudal badge of servitude, the curfew, was now revived and established in all its rigour in Ireland, and enforced by the soldiery with unfeeling cruelty and insult. That the infamous and detestable principles and proceedings of the inquisition, had been introduced into Ireland, where the unhappy natives were put to the torture, to extort from them a confession of their own guilt or the guilt

of others; where the unhappy natives were torn from their families and immured in prisons, ignorant of their accusers, and in a cruel state of uncertainty as to the period of their imprisonment, and the fate which awaited them. And that these complicated and unexampled excesses and extravagancies formed only a part of the system acted upon by the executive government of Ireland, and encouraged by the British cabinet. And these virulent and distorted exaggerations have passed into general circulation through the medium of every disaffected and seditious publick print in Great Britain and Ireland, under the proffered solemnity of the noble lord's oath. It remains for me publickly and distinctly to refute the foul and injurious charges of tyranny, injustice, and oppression upon the people of Ireland which have been advanced against the British cabinet and the British nation, and against the government and parlia- · ment of Ireland; and in so doing, I shall give the best answer to every thing which has fallen from the noble lord this night.-It has long been the fashion of this country to drown the voice of truth and justice by noise and clamour and loud and confident assertions; and since the separation of America from the British empire, where the noble lord well knows some British politicians had successfully played a game of embarrassment against Lord North's administration, they have been pleased to turn their attention to Ireland, as a theatre of political warfare, and to lend their best countenance and support to every motley faction, which has reared its head in this country, to disturb the publick peace for the most selfish and mischievous purposes. When the noble lord recommends conciliation as a remedy for the turbulent and distracted state of this country, with all respect for him, I must conclude, that his information flows from this polluted source. If conciliation be a pledge of national tranquillity and contentment; if it be a spell to allay popular ferment, there is not a nation in Europe in which it has had so fair a trial as in the kingdom of Ireland. For a period nearly of twen