finite prejudice to him, and was one great

blood. This message, adds he, from his majesty I de livered to commissary-general Ireton at Colebrooke, who seemed to receive it with joy, saying, that we should be the veriest knaves that ever lived, if in every thing we made not good whatever we had promised, because the king, by not declaring against us, had given us great advantage against our adversaries [the presbyterians]." But the inclinations of the chief officers of the army soon changed, and they determined, in the place of the crown to which they had promised to restore him, to bring him to the scaffold, which they put in execution. This sudden change is said to have been owing to the interception of a letter by Cromwell and Ireton, whilst they were in treaty with his majesty, The letter was from the king to the queen, in which he told her," that he was courted by both factions, the Scotch presbyterians, and the army; and that those which bade the fairest for him, should have him; but yet he thought he should close with the Scotch sooner than with the other. Upon this, finding they were not like to have good terms from the king, they from that time vowed his destruction "."-After what has been so largely said in this note, I will leave the reader to make his own remarks on the following passage in Mr. Hume. "Some historians have rashly questioned his [Charles's] good faith: but, for this reproach, the most malignant scrutiny of his conduct, which, in every circumstance, is now thoroughly known, affords not any reasonable foundation. On the contrary, if we consider the extreme difficulties to which he was so frequently reduced, and compare the sincerity of his professions and declarations, we shall avow, that pro

a

Thurloe's State-papers, vol. I. p. 96. fol. Lond. 1742. History of Great Britain, p. 444, in the note.

See Hume's

cause of his ruin! In his early youth he was

bity and honour ought justly to be placed among his most shining qualities. In every treaty, those concessions, which he thought in conscience he could not maintain, he never could, by any motive or persuasion, be induced to grant. And though some violations of the petition of Rights may be imputed to him, these are more to be ascribed to the lofty ideas of royal prerogative, which he had imbibed, than to any failure in the integrity of his principles "."

In the beginning of the note I have quoted Machiavel; I will now add another passage from him. "It has appeared by experience in our times," says he, "that those princes who made light of their word, and artfully deceived mankind, have all along done great things, and have at length got the better of such as proceeded upon honourable principles." But however it was in his times, it was not so with regard to Charles. His making light of his word, and artfully deceiving his subjects, produced to him innumerable woes. His character, in this respect, being once established, his adversaries gave no heed to his words, protestations, oaths, or actions, as judging that he was not to be bound by them. Hence a civil war arose, which ended in his destruction. Princes therefore should at all times act with honour, and scorn to be worse than their words; for let them dissemble ever so dextrously, there are those who will find them out, and expose them, and then adieu to their reputation and influence. "The extreme curiosity of the public is well known; it is a being that sees every thing, hears every thing, and divulges whatsoever it has heard or seen. If its curiosity examines the conduct of particular men, 'tis only to fill up idle hours; but if it considers the cha

a Hume's History of Great Britain, p. 469.

observed to be very obstinate"; and stiff

racters of princes, 'tis with an eye to its own interest. And, indeed, princes are more exposed than all other men to the conjectures, comments, and judgments of the world: they are a sort of stars, at which a whole people of astronomers are continually levelling their telescopes and cross-staves; courtiers, who are near them, are daily taking their observations; a single gesture, a single glance of the eye, discovers them; and the people who observe them at a greater distance, magnify them by conjectures. In short, as well may the sun hide his spots, as great princes their vices, and their genuine character, from the eyes of so many curious observers. If the mask of dissimulation should cover, for a time, the natural deformity of a prince, yet he could never keep his mask always on: he would sometimes be obliged, was it only for a breathing, to throw it off; and one view of his naked features would be sufficient to content the curious. It will therefore be in vain for dissimulation to dwell in the mouths of princes: craftiness in their discourses, and actions will have no effect: to judge of men by their words and professions, would be the way to be always mistaken: we therefore compare their actions with one another, and then with their words; and against this repeated examination, falsity and deceit will find no refuge. No man can well act any part but his own; he must really have the same character which he would bear in the world: without this, the man who thinks to impose on the public, imposes upon none but himself."

In his early youth he was observed to be very obstinate, &c.] Here are my proofs." His childhood,” says Perinchief, "was blemished with a was blemished with a supposed ob

* Anti-Machiavel, p. 192. 8vo. Lond. 1741. See also Gordon's Dis courses on Tacitus, vol. IV. p. 331. 12mo. Lond. 1753.

VOL. II.

he remarkably was during his whole reign

" he was

stinacy for the weakness of his body inclining him to retirements, and the imperfection of his speech rendering discourse tedious and unpleasant, he was suspected to be somewhat perverse ? -Lilly tells us, noted to be very wilful and obstinate by queen Anne his mother, and some others who were then about him: his mother being then told he was very sick and like to die, said, he would not then die, or at that time; but live to be the ruin of himself, and the occasion of the loss of his three kingdoms, by his too much wilfulness. -The old Scottish lady his nurse was used to affirm as much, and that he was of a very evil nature, even in his infancy; and the lady, who after took charge of him, cannot deny it, but that he was beyond measure wilful and unthankful."Perinchief, after taking notice of his supposed obstinacy, adds, "But more age and strength fitting him for manlike exercises, and the public hopes inviting him from his privacies, he delivered the world from such fears. His tenacious humour he left with his retirements, none being more desirous of good council, nor any more obsequious when he found it; yea, too distrustful of his own judgment, which the issue of things proved always best when it was followed." The reader will judge of the truth of this by and by." I have heard my father," says Coke," (though not a courtier, yet acquainted with many courtiers) say, that they would oft pray to God, that the prince might be in the right way where he set; for if he were in the wrong, he would prove the most wilful of any king that ever reigned."—I will produce a few more proofs, to set this matter beyond

though most writers agree that he was easily governed by his favourites, who frequently

all doubt. In the year 1627, it is well known, many gentlemen were imprisoned for refusing the loan, on account of its illegality; among these, many feared would be Sir Thomas Wentworth, afterwards earl of Strafford. In order to bring him to a compliance with the king's measures, his brother-in-law, the lord Clifford, writes to him in these words: "My dear brother, I cannot hope to see you receive the least favour, that the great ones can abridge you of, if you still refuse; neither dare any move the king in the behalf of any gentleman refuser; for his heart is so inflamed in this business, as he vows a perpetual remembrance, as well as present punishment. And though the duke [Buck-' ingham] will be shortly gone, yet no man can expect to receive any ease by his absence, since the king takes the punishment into his own direction"."

In a letter to the queen, dated Oxford, Jan. 9, 44, after telling her that Uxbridge was appointed for the place of treaty between him and the parliament, he adds, in a postscript, "The settling of religion, and the militia, are the first to be treated on: and be confident, that I will neither quit episcopacy, nor that sword which God hath given into my hands b." And we find in Laud's Diary, "that he being terrified, by reason of some speeches uttered, that there must be a parliament, some must be sacrificed, and he as like as any, he told it; whereupon the king said, Let me desire you not to trouble yourself with any reports, till you see me forsake my other friends " In short, Charles was very determined in all his affairs, and was

a Letters and Dispatches of Thomas Earl of Strafford, vol. I. p. 38. fol. Lond. 1789. b King's Cabinet, p. 1. Laud's Diary, by

Wharton, p. 42.