the Arabian war. Aretas till then had despised the Roman arms; but, when he saw them at his door, and that victorious army ready to enter his dominions, he sent an embassy to make his submission. Pompey, however, advanced as far as Petra, his capital, of which he made himself master. Aretas was taken in it. Pompey at first kept him under a guard, but at length he was released upon accepting the conditions imposed on him by the victor, who soon after returned to Damascus.

He was not apprized till then of Aristobulus's proceedings in Judæa. He marched thither with his army, and found Aristobulus posted in the castle of Alexandrion, which stood upon a high mountain at the entrance of the country. This was an extremely strong place, built by his father Alexander, who had given his name to it. Pompey sent to bid him come down to him. Aristobulus was not much inclined to comply, but he at last acceded to the opinion of those about him, who apprehending a war with the Romans, advised him to go. He did so ; and, after a conversation which turned upon his difference with his brother, he returned into his castle. He repeated the same visit two or three times, in hopes by that civility to gain upon Pompey, and induce him to decide in his favour. But, for fear of accident, he did not omit to put good garrisons into his strong places, and to make all other preparations for a vigorous defence, in case Pompey should decide against him. Pompey, who had advice of his proceedings, the last time he came to him, obliged him to put them all into his hands, by way of sequestration, and made him sign orders for that purpose to all the commanders of those places.

Aristobulus, incensed at the violence which had been offered him, as soon as he was released, made all haste to Jerusalem, and prepared every thing for the war. His resolutions to keep the crown made him the sport of two different passions, hope and fear. When he saw the least appearance that Pompey would decide in his favour, he made use of all the arts of complaisance to incline him to it. When, on the contrary, he had the least reason to suspect that he would declare against him, he observed a directly opposite conduct. Such was the contrariety visible in the different steps he took throughout this affair.

Pompey followed him close. The first place where he encamped, in his way to Jerusalem, was Jericho ; there he received the news of Mithridates's death, as we shall see in the following book.

He continued his march towards Jerusalem. When he approached, Aristobulus, who began to repent of what he had done, come out to meet him, and endeavour to bring him

to an accommodation, by promising an entire submission and a great sum of money to prevent the war. Pompey accepted his offers, and sent Gabinius at the head of a detachment to receive the money; but, when that lieutenant-general ar rived at Jerusalem, he found the gates shut against him; and, instead of receiving the money, he was told, from the top of the walls, that the city would not stand to the agreement. Pompey, thereupon, not being willing that they should deceive him with impunity, ordered Aristobulus, whom he had kept with him, to be put in irons, and advanced with his whole army against Jerusalem. The city was extremely strong by its situation and the works which had been made; and, had it not been for the dissensions that prevailed within it, was capable of making a long defence.

Aristobulus's party was for defending the place; especially when they saw that Pompey kept their king prisoner. But the adherents of Hyrcanus were determined to open the gates to that general. And, as the latter were much the greater number, the other party retired to the mountain of the temple to defend it, and caused the bridges of the ditch and valley which surrounded it to be broken down. Pompey, to whom the city immediately opened its gates, resolved to besiege the temple. The place held out three whole months, and would have done so three more, and perhaps obliged the Romans to abandon their enterprise, but for the superstitious rigour with which the besieged observed the sabbath. They believed, indeed, that they might defend themselves when attacked, but not that they might prevent the works of the enemy, or make any for themselves. The Romans knew how to take advantage of this inaction upon the sabbath-days. They did not attack the Jews upon them, but filled up the fosses, made their approaches, and fixed their engines without opposition. They threw down at length a great tower, which carried along with it so great a part of the wall, that the breach was large enough for an assault. The place was carried sword in hand, and a terrible slaughter ensued, in which more than 12,000 persons were killed.

During the whole tumult, the cries, and disorder of this slaughter, history observes, that the priests, who were at that time employed in divine service, continued it with surprising calmness, notwithstanding the rage of their enemies, and their grief to see their friends and relations massacred before their eyes. Many of them saw their own blood mingle with that of the sacrifices they were offering, and the sword of the enemy make themselves the victims of their duty : Happy, and worthy of being envied, if they had been as faithful to the spirit as the letter of it!

Pompey, with many of his superior officers, entered the

temple, and not only into the sanctuary, but into the holy of holies, into which, by the law, only the high-priest was permitted to enter once a year, upon the solemn day of expiation. This was what most keenly afflicted the Jews, and enraged that people so bitterly against the Romans.

Pompey did not touch the treasures of the temple, which consisted principally in sums that had been deposited there by private families for their better security. Those sums amounted to 2,000 a talents in specie, without reckoning the gold and silver vessels, which were innumerable, and of infinite value. It was not, says Cicero, out of respect for the majesty of the GOD adored in that temple that Pompey behaved in this manner; for, according to him, nothing was more contemptible than the Jewish religion, more unworthy the wisdom and grandeur of the Romans, nor more opposite to the institutions of their ancestors. Pompey in this noble disinterestedness had no other motive than to deprive malice and calumny of all means of attacking his reputation. Such were the thoughts of the most learned of the Pagans, with respect to the only religion of the true GOD. They blasphemed what they knew not.

It hath been observed, that till then Pompey had been successful in all things, but that after this sacrilegious curiosity, his good fortune abandoned him, and that the advantage gained over the Jews was his last victory.

SECT. V.

Reign of Hyrcanus II. which continued twenty-four years.

< Pompey having thus put an end to the war, caused the walls of Jerusalem to be demolished, re-established Hyrcanus, and sent Aristobulus, with his two sons, Alexander and Antigonus, prisoners to Rome. He dismembered several cities from the kingdom of Judæa, which he united with the government of Syria, imposed a tribute upon Hyrcanus, and left the administration of affairs to Antipater, who was at the court of Hyrcanus, and one of his principal ministers. Alexander made his escape upon the way to Rome, and returned into Judæa, where he afterwards excited new troubles.

Hyrcanus finding himself too weak to take the field against him, had recourse to the arms of the Romans. Gaa Three hundred thousand pounds sterling.

b Cn. Pompeius, captis Hierosolymis, victor ex illo fano nihil attigit. In primis hoc. ut multa alia, sapienter, quod in tam suspiciosa ac maledica civitate lecum sermoni obtrectatorum non reliquit. Non enim credo religionem et Judæ. orum et hostium impedimento præstantissimo imperatori, sed pudorem fuisse ; -istorum religio sacrorum a splendore hujus imperii, gravitate nominis vestri, mojorum institutis abhorebat. Cic. pro Flac. n. 67-69.

e A. M. 39 11. Ant. J. C. 63.

d A. M. 3947. Ant. J. C. 57.

binius, governor of Syria, after having overthrown Alexan der in a battle, went to Jerusalem, and re-instated Hyrcanus in the high-priesthood. a He made great alterations in the civil government; for, instead of monarchical as it had been, he changed it into aristocratical; but those innovations were but of short duration.

Crassus, upon his march against the Parthians, always intent upon gratifying his insatiable avarice, stopped at Jerusalem, where he had been told great treasures were laid up. He plundered the temple of all the riches in it, which amounted to the sum of 10,000 talents, that is to say, about 1,500,000 pounds sterling.

Cæsar after his expedition into Egypt, being arrived in Syria, Antigonus, who had made his escape from Rome with his father Aristobulus, came to throw himself at his feet, begged him to re-establish him upon the throne of his father, who was lately dead, and made great complaints against Antipator and Hyrcanus. Cæsar had too great obligations to both to do any thing contrary to their interests; for, as we shall see in the sequel, without the aid he had received from them, his expedition into Egypt would have miscarried. He decreed that Hyrcanus should retain the dignity of high-priest of Jerusalem, and the sovereignty of Judæa, to himself and his posterity after him for ever, and gave Antipator the office of procurator of Judæa under Hyrcanus. By this decree the aristocracy of Gabinius was abolished, and the government of Judæa re-established upon the ancient footing.

d

Antipator caused the government of Jerusalem to be given to Phasael, his eldest son, and that of Galilee to Herod, his second son.

Cæsare at Hyrcanus's request, and in consideration of the services he had rendered him in Egypt and Syria, permitted him to re-build the walls of Jerusalem, which Pompey had caused to be demolished. Antipator, without los ing time, began the work, and the city was soon fortified as it had been before the demolition. Cæsar was killed this same year.

During the civil wars, Judæa, as well as all the other provinces of the Roman empire, was agitated by violent trou

bles.

Pacorus, ƒ son of Orodes, king of Parthia, had entered Syria with a powerful army. From thence he sent a dea Joseph. Antiq. xiv. 10. Id, de bell. Jud. i. 6. b A. M. 3950. Ant. J. C. 54 c A. M. 3957. Ant. J. C. 47. Joseph. Antiq, xiv. 16. de bell. Jad. i. 8. d Joseph. Antiq. xiv. 17. de bell. Jud. i. 8. e A. M. 3960. Ant. J. C. 44. A. M. 3964. Ant. J C. 40.

Joseph. Antiq. xiv. 17.

Joseph. Antiq. xiv. 21, 26. Id. de bell. Jud, i. 1,

tachment into Judæa, with orders to place Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, upon the throne, who on his side had also raised troops. Hyrcanus, and Phasael, Herod's brother, upon the proposal of an accommodation, had the imprudence to go to the enemy, who siezed them and put them in irons. Herod escaped from Jerusalem the moment before the Parthians entered it to sieze him also.

Having missed Herod, they plundered the city and country, placed Antigonus upon the throne, and delivered Hyrcanus and Phasael in chains unto his hands. Phasael, who well knew that his death was resolved, dashed out his brains against the wall, to avoid the hands of the executioner. As for Hyrcanus, his life was granted him; but, to render him incapable of the priesthood, Antigonus caused his ears to be cut off: for, according to the Levitical law", it was requisite that the high-priest should be perfect in all his members. After having thus mutilated him, he gave him back to the Parthians, that they might carry him into the East, from whence it would not be possible for him to embroil affairs in Judæa. He continued a prisoner at Seleucia, in Babylonia, till the accession of Phraates to the crown, who caused his chains to be taken off, and gave him entire liberty to see and converse with the Jews of that country, who were very numerous. They looked upon him as their king and highpriest, and raised him a revenue sufficient to support his rank with splendour. The love of his native country made him forget all those advantages. He returned the year following to Jerusalem, whither Herod had invited him to come, but some years afterwards he caused him to be put to death.

Herod had at first taken refuge in Egypt, from whence he went to Rome. Anthony was then in the high degree of power which the triumvirate had given him. He took Herod under his protection, and even did more in his favour than he expected. For, instead of what he proposed, which was at most to obtain the crown for Aristobulus, whose sister Mariamne he had lately married, with the view only of governing under him, as Antipater had done under Hyrcanus, Anthony caused the crown to be conferred upon him, contrary to the usual maxim of the Romans in like cases. For it was not their custom to violate the rights of the royal houses, which acknowledged them for protectors, and to give the crown to strangers. Herod was declared king of Judæa by the senate, and conducted by the consuls to the Capitol, where he received the investiture of the crown, with the ceremonies usual upon such occasions.

a Levit. xxi. 16—24.

b Joseph. Antiq. xv. 2. e Aristobulus was the son of Alexandra, Hyrcanus's daughter; and his father was Alexander, son of Aristobulos, brother to Hyrcanus; so that the right of both brothers to the crown was united in his person.