throne. This was a bold step: but, in

York from the succession to the crown.] If Coleman's papers were defective in proof of the plot, they amply shewed what the nation was to expect if ever the duke succeeded to the crown, as there was great probability he one day would. In a letter to the French king's confessor, dated, June 29th, 1674, Coleman says, "I am commanded to tell you, that his royal highness, my master, is very sensible of the friendship of his most Christian majesty, which he will endeavour to cultivate very carefully, and give him all possible assurances of it, to take away all jealousies that his enemies would raise to the contrary. That his royal highness has done nothing, in any manner whatsoever, nor in any place, against the interest of his most Christian majesty; but hath rendered him all the good offices he hath been capable of. That as for recalling the parliament, and touching my lord A, his highness is altogether of the opinion of his majesty, that neither one nor other is useful, but quite contrary, very dangerous, as well for England as France; and that his most Christian majesty is in great danger of losing the neutrality of England at the next session (if the parliament meet), as he lost its alliance by the peace of Holland at the last; because the lower house, and their friends (as the furious protestants, and the malecontents in the house of lords), have a design to lessen his royal highness, and root out the catholic religion; and they think they cannot make use of any other fitter means to attain their end, than to raise the Dutch, and to perplex his most Christian majesty as much as lyes in their power. That his highness doubts not, but it is absolutely necessary for the interest of his most Christian majesty, and his royal highness, to use all

spite of court influence, it passed in due

endeavours to hinder the meeting of the parliament, by perswading his Britannic majesty, that his greatness, his honour, and his quiet, are no less concerned therein than theirs; so that if his most Christian majesty would write freely his thoughts thereupon to his Br. majesty, to forewarn him of the danger he apprehends from thence; and would withall think fit to make him the same generous offers of his purse, to perswade him to dissolve the present parliament, as he bath done to his highness for the election of another; perhaps he would succeed therein by the assistance we would give him here."--In a letter to the internuncio, dated 21 Aug. 1674, he says, "it is the duke alone upon whom all the rest [of the catholics] do entirely depend." And in a letter to the same person, dated Sept. 11 following, he tells him, "your friends the emperor and the pope, will have a fair occasion of giving marks of their friendship to Mr. [the duke], by joining their credit and interest to his, to make the great design (which he hath so long meditated) succeed, to undermine the intrigues of that company of merchants who trade for the parliament and the religion, and to establish that of the associated catholics, in every place, which may be done (without any great trouble), if the emperor and the pope will grant him their assistance, and that Spain will not too obstinately oppose him; as he hath hitherto done to his own prejudice."In a letter from the internuncio, dated Bruxelles, 14th Aug. 1674, it is said, "the emperor is entirely the duke's; and the internuncio has this week received letters from him, wherein he com* Id. p. 12.

→ Coleman's Letters, p. 1.

VOL. V.

Id. p. 7.

M

form where it took its rise; and was much

mands him to assure the duke of the passionate zeal he has for his service, and those of the catholics. I pray you acquaint the duke with it; and assure him, that the internuncio has also the same inclinations, as he will make appear on all occasions that shall present themselves: but it must be the duke himself must direct in what we may contribute to his service. The pope also will give his assistance in such things as are proper for him to appear in."In a letter from cardinal Norfolk to Coleman, dated Ap. 18, 1676, we read, "that cardinal Norfolk had, some time since, a letter left at his lodging, from the duke, by I know not who; yet he called himself the duke's agent: and by what cardinal Norfolks servant tells me, he seemeth to be an Italian, as it is most probable; for, if he were of England, I think, he would not. so publickly give himself that name, which can do the duke no good at present to be called so in Rome publickly: although I think it were very fitting the duke should have a good one; and if be like of it, cardinal Norfolk offers him who useth to write to you, Mr. J. Lay; for whose ability, fidelity, and activity, cardinal Norfolk will answer; and what he cannot do, cardinal Norfolk will supply, and this without taking the name of it or any interest, which certainly others would expect, and, perhaps, want: but he doth neither. This you may offer the duke in cardinal Norfolk's and his name "." -I will add but one or two passages more from the cardinal's letters."What you wrote," says he, "of the dukes being advanced one step towards the catholie

applauded by the friends of their country;

b

religion, was a most welcome news to cardinal Norfolk, who presently rejoiced our pope and cardinal Altieri with it and now yours of the twenty-seventh hath fully compleated cardinal Norfolk, our pope, and cardinal Altieri's joy with it."And again, in another letter, "The adjoined pacquet, which I now direct to you, contains the popes brief, in answer to the second letter from his royal highness .After the publication of these letters, no man could possibly doubt of the religion and politics of the duke. His principles were most dangerous; his connexions fatal to the nation and it behoved every man of sense and virtue to guard against him. Accordingly we find the best men in the house of commons took the alarm. Lord Russel, Nov. 4, 1678, moved to "address the king, that his royal highness may withdraw himself from his majesty's person and councils." This being seconded by Mr. Booth, produced a great debate. The courtiers were firm to his royal highness; and had strength enough to adjourn the debate. The king, however, thought proper to assure both houses, that he would be ready to give his consent to such reasonable bills as should be presented, to make them safe in the reign of any successor, so as they tend not to impeach the right of succession, nor the descent of the crown in the true line; and so as they restrain not his power, nor the just rights of any protestant successor. This, possibly, would have satisfied at that time. But the long parliament being dissolved, which had manifested such zeal for his majesty's service, and been so much at his beck, and another of a different complexion chosen; the current against the duke ran

Coleman's Letters, p. 38.

Id. p. 92.

Journal

In the house of lords it met a different ·

so high, that, though he absented from the king's person and councils, it was resolved, " May 9, 1679, that the duke of York's being a papist, and the hopes of his coming such to the crown; has given the greatest countenance and encouragement to the present conspiracies and designs of the papists against the king, and the protestant religion"." Two days after, being Sun`day," it was resolved, that a bill be brought in to disable the duke of York to inherit the imperial crown of this realm. A bill was accordingly brought in, read twice, and committed to a committee of the whole house; but proceeded no farther, by reason of the prorogation and dissolution of the parliament. The mat ter did not rest here; but was revived and prosecuted, with the utmost zeal, by the commons (though rejected by the lords, and had in abhorrence by his majesty), in the two following parliaments. But all in vain. The king was determined to adhere to the succession, and prefer the interest of his brother to that of the nation. Worthy shepherd! excellent king! May never a prince of this disposition reign over us again.

It is very natural to suppose a bill, of this extraordinary nature, must have been warmly debated. In fact, it was. Some account of these debates I will give for the satisfaction of the reader.Mr. Harbord, with great spirit, declared," he was satisfied, as long as the duke had any prospect left of coming to the crown, the king could not be safe. So long as Mary, queen of Scots, was alive," continued he, " queen Elizabeth was neither safe in her person or government.-The king, in his speech, bids us look to the prosecution of

The duke went abroad; first into Holland, and then to Brussels. Journal. Id. See also Temple's Works, vol. II. p. 532. 8vo.