in a circle. Incredibile memoratu est quam facile co

aluerint.*

Hence, unlimited toleration, incapaci

tated with no political disability, no invidious exclusion, not only teaches the citizens either to respect each other's opinions, or regard them with indifference, but strengthens the government by lopping off one principal, exciting cause of revolution. Should the constitution of England be threatened, the surly dissenters, to say the least, would either sit with their arms akimbo, in triumph, or folded up in a sort of anxious indifference.

It is the property of most governments to grow strong by usurping on the rights of the people: and when the executive, like the northern whirlpool, seizes on and swallows up every thing within its reach, then the government lays claim to dignity and energy. But this strength is as baseless, as an inverted pyramid, or like the water spout, which, in the moment of its greatest strength and towering pride, finds its level with the ocean. The government of England partakes, in a considerable degree, of the nature of the northern whirlpool, in that it has seized on and swallowed up the rights of the dissenters, and has moreover weakened itself in proportion to their strength. It is like the inverted pyramid, in that its chief strength, built originally on the canon

* Sallust.

law, partially ameliorated, and on the feudal system, partially corrected, flows from the head, and not from the heart of the social compact: like the water spout, in that its abuses, for want of an effectual regenerative principle, are in danger of accumulating until they rise to a pitch of enormity which naturally cures itself.

On the contrary, the constitution of the United States is founded in natural strength, in popular right, in popular affection, and may be amended and even new modelled without danger of a revolution. Such a government will probably possess all possible good, with least possible evil.

In short, a monarch, a hereditary nobility, an established church, are supposed here to be the foundation of government. In the United States, they are considered as pompous titles, imposing names, usurpations: nay more, that legitimate government cannot exist under them. Hence, it will be found a more difficult enterprise to introduce, than to overturn such a system. Most other governments originated in chains and slavery: ours originated in freedom in the former case, the weak have to contend against the strong, and every unsuccessful effort, renders the weak still weaker, the strong, still stronger; and unless the spirit of freedom should inspire the people, or the tyranny should be intol

CC

erable, even to slaves, there is no remedy. In the latter case, the conflict is only defensive; guard the sacred fire, and freedom must be coexistent with the principle.

Were the United States like ancient Carthage, or like England or Holland, we should soon look back with regret, on what we once were; but being an agricultural, rather than a commercial, people, we shall be enabled, in spite of commercial aristocracy, to preserve the constitution in its most wholesome state! The agricultural will happily swallow up the commercial influence; and even if commerce should ruin both the Atlantic and Pacific shores, there will still be ample space between, for liberty to range in. Poverty, misery and slavery, when they find a residence in the United States, will first seat themselves in the capitals of the Atlantic, and may advance a little way into the interior, but in yain will they endeavour to trespass on the freeholders. The wings of our eagle, sitting on the great range of mountains, if not large enough to cover both the Atlantic and Pacific, will still shield the freeborn, brave and hardy sons of the soil.

Adieu.

LETTER XXVIII.

LONDON, MAY 15th.

IMAGINE to yourself a man of short stature, who has just past the prime of life, whose broad high forehead is fast retreating to baldness, but whose ruddy, thoughtful, yet open countenance discovers both the temperature of health and philosophy of manners remarkably mild, unassuming, rather reserved; in conversation cautious, argumentative, frequently doubtful, yet modestly courting reply, more from a desire of truth, than a love of contending; in his family, affectionate, cordial, accommodating; to his friends confidential, ready to make any sacrifice; to his enemies-you would never know from Mr. Godwin that he had an enemy.

Mr. Godwin lives at Sommerstown, about three miles from the city. His house with us would be considered neat and simple; here it is called a cottage. His study is small, and looks into the country, his library not extensive, yet sufficiently large for a man who depends more on his own resources, than on the labours of others. The portrait of

Mary, taken by Northcote, hangs over the fire place. This rendered the study one of the most interesting places I ever visited. Though I have frequently been in the study, I have only ventured to look at the portrait. Mr. Godwin is since married to a charming woman, who seems devoted to domestic happiness. He is at present occupied with his Geoffry Chaucer, a work of great expectation.

A billet from Mr. Godwin informed me this morning, that Mr. Holcroft and Dr. Wolcott would dine there to day.

Mr. Holcroft, though nearly sixty, has suffered nothing, either from years, laborious mental exertion, or persecution. He has all the activity and vivacity of youth. Just returned from the continent, whither he had voluntarily banished himself in complaisance to the wishes of the English government, he has brought back with him not the least resentment. Persecution, instead of imbittering his disposition, has had that effect, which it has on all good men. A villain will always hate mankind in proportion to his knowledge of the world; a good man, on the contrary, will increase in philanthropy.

Literature is not a little honoured, when one of her votaries, leaving a mechanical employment at a period of life when habit is usually become nature,