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LETTER V.

LONDON, AUGUST 20th.

THE election of members of parliament, for Westminster, recurred in July. Every thing rel, ative to this popular prerogative will interest a citizen of the United States. He cannot observe the Hustings, without a warm reverence for the great original of his own freedom. The theory of election is a political sublimity, which a democrat cannot contemplate without rapture: it practically brings society back to first principles, checks the tendency of government to usurpation, arrests the bolt of power in the hands of the wicked; and though frequently perverted, in practice, and made to sanction its own destruction, yet election keeps alive the principle, and asserts the virtue, at least, of a part of the people.

The following notices I made in Covent Garden, the scene of the election.

The candidates were Mr. Fox, admiral Lord Gardner, and Mr. Graham, an auctioneer. All was quiet until the candidates appeared. First came Mr. Fox on showing himself on the front of the stage,

elevated a little above the heads of the spectators, a violent uproar of applause commenced with, "Good morning Charley," which scarcely ceased, when Lord Gardner and Mr. Graham appeared. The popular suffrage seemed to be divided between these two: Fox was not opposed; so a scattering hissing and clapping, at short intervals, commenced when either Gardner or Graham appeared on the front of the stage.

Whether or not the people, from some cause, are weary of the popular branch of their government; or whether they consider an election, a mere mockery, or an affair which concerns only the candidates, or whether Mr. Graham was not a man of sufficient weight to contest* the election seriously, I know not; but certain it is, the election appeared to me a a sort of Bartholomew Fair, to which the people came, some for amusement, some to pick pockets, and some merely to increase the crowd: while the candidates afforded the entertainment, which was not without humour. You know the English fancy themselves free, once in seven years-this election brought to my mind the Roman Saturnalia. During the Hustings, likewise, every thing is taken in good part by the candidates, who affect the ut

* The candidates have usurped the word" contest :" one would imagine that the people should contest an election, not the candidates.

most popularity, not disdaining, sometimes, to be carried home on the shoulders of the people.

The candidates usually address the crowd at the close of each day's poll, and return them their most sincere thanks for their support, and sometimes lay their hands on their hearts, and urge their friends to come forward, the next day, with redoubled ardour. Those who are not in the habit of public speaking, frequently, at least it was thus in the present instance, authorise some friend to represent themselves to their future constituents.

The daily state of the poll is painted in a conspicuous place, to satisfy the curious: this I imagine is absolutely necessary; for John Bull would think himself imposed on, if not permitted every day to see how the election went.

Sometimes, the electors are disposed to shake hands with their representatives; one of whom with seeming cordiality said, "Ah, Charley, it is seven years since I had the pleasure of shaking hands with you-how have you done all that time." "Ah," groaned another man among the crowd, "It is only once, in seven years, that the two parties do shake hands."

Lord Gardner was not so civilly received; but he bore the sarcasms of the populace with much good humour, and seemed by his demeanour to be con

fident of his election-in spite of the people. A sailor stripped off his jacket and shirt, before the Hustings, and asked, "If he remembered when he gave him that flogging?" At the same time another threw a halter at him, telling him to recollect Governor Wall. The Admiral seemed for a moment mortified at this: he said nothing; but looked a sort of appeal to the spectators "If he merited the charge?" All were softened in his behalf, and by their murmur of applause acquitted him instantly. This ready disposition to espouse the cause of the injured, is one of the finest traits of the plebeian character of the English.

At the close of the poll, Mr. Fox and Lord Gardner were declared elected. I could not readily account for this: Fox was not opposed, and yet Graham, who was in Fox's interest, lost his election in favour of Gardner. Mathematically speaking, one might say, such a conclusion was impossible.

The election continued eight or ten days. I believe it in the power of either candidate to extend the time, at pleasure. If so, there is an opening to the greatest excesses: for every election is not conducted with such good humour as was this.* Broken limbs, and even homicide, are not unusual

*At the three preceding elections murder was committed! This circum. stance alone is nearly sufficient to prove there is no liberty in England.

at some elections. How will you account for it? The citizens of the United States ought to have the prerogative of suffrage, much more at heart, than the subjects of England, and yet at no contested election was there ever a citizen killed: nor did I ever hear of a broken limb-The cause must be sought in the candidates and not in the people.

You will expect a description of Mr. Fox, his appearance and demeanour. You wish to know how he was dressed, how he stood, and how he looked. In his youth he is reported to have been as great a fop as was Aristotle : I will only say, at present, his appearance was altogether against him. He looked as if he had been long in the sea service, and after many a storm, had retired on half pay, His greasy buff waistcoat, threadbare blue coat, and weatherbeaten hat, gave him, in connexion with his great corpulency and dark complexion with short dark hair hastening to gray, very much the appearance of a laid up sea captain. He has the countenance of an ancient Englishman, but long watching has changed the temperature of health to a dun colour. He would be thought, at present, by one who did not know him, to be a noble dispositioned, rather than a great, man. When I hear him in the House of Commons, I will give you my opinion of this great favourite of our citizens: though why he

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