to every part of our race;" or for refusing to permit slaveholders to participate with them in this glorious effort.

It was not sufficient to ridicule Abolitionists as fanatics, or to stigmatize them as incendiaries; they must be branded as traitors and nullifiers. On the 9th October, 1833, a few days after a mob had assembled to deprive American citizens of one of their dearest constitutional rights, that of peaceably expressing their opinions, a numerous Colonization meeting was convened in New-York for the purpose of taking advantage of the recent excitement, to raise the sum of $20,000. Gentlemen of high rank and influence addressed the meeting. Not a word of disapprobation of the late outrage escaped them; on the contrary, the violence offered to the Abolitionists seemed to be extenuated if not justified, by the grievous charges now brought against them.

The Hon. Mr. Frelinghuysen, of New-Jersey, justly distinguished for his piety, his talents, and his station as a Senator of the United States, addressed the meeting. In the course of his address," says the N. Y. Commercial Advertiser, 10th October, "he dwelt with emphasis and just discrimination upon the proceedings of both cis and trans-Atlantic Abolitionists, who are seeking to destroy our happy Union."

Chancellor Walworth, one of the most estimable citizens, and the highest judicial officer of the State of New-York, alluding to the emancipation to be effected by Colonization, remark>ed, "the emancipation, however, to which this resolution directs your attention, is not that unconstitutional and dangerous emancipation contemplated by a few visionary enthusiasts, and a still fewer reckless incendiaries among us, which cannot be effected without violating the rights of property secured by that constitution which we have sworn to support-that emancipation which would arm one part of the Union against another, and light up the flame of civil war in this now happy land." N. Y. Journal of Commerce.

David B. Ogden, Esq., a gentleman whose legal eminence, and whose purity of character justly give to his opinions peculiar weight, used the following language: "I avail myself of this opportunity, to enter my solemn protest against the attempts which are making by a few FANATICs, who, without looking to the fearful consequences involved in such an issue, are advocating the immediate emancipation of slaves, in the Southern District. As citizens of the United States, we have

no right to interfere with the claims of our Southern brethren to the property of their slaves. The Constitution of the United States recognizes their right to it, and they have not only a sure and undeniable right to that property, but they are entitled to the full protection of the constituted authorities, in enforcing the enjoyment of it. Let us not talk any more of nullification; the doctrine of immediate emancipation is a direct and palpable nullification of that constitution we have sworn to support." New-York Journal of Commerce.

We might have.selected many similar charges from other sources, but we have taken these on account of the high character of the accusers, and because the authors are all of the legal profession, and of course, aware of the importance of precision in all charges of a criminal nature. Not one of these gentlemen sitting as a criminal judge, would permit the merest vagabond to be put on his defence on a vague charge of stealing, but would quash any indictment, that did not specify the time and, place of the offence, and the property alleged to be stolen.; yet they did not scruple to hold up their fellow citizens and fellow Christians to the indignation of the public, on charges destitute of all specification, and unsupported by a particle of testimony.

Abolitionists are here accused of seeking to destroy our happy Union; of contemplating a violation of property, secured by the Constitution they had sworn to support; of pursuing measures which would lead to a civil war; and of being guilty of direct and palpable nullification. When-wherehow-were these crimes attempted? What proof is offered? Nothing, absolutely nothing, is offered but naked assertion. Is this equitable? Is it doing to others as these gentlemen would wish others to do to them?

But it is not enough that Abolitionists should be denounced at home; they must also be defamed abroad. Mr. Gurley, secretary of the American Colonization Society, writes a letter (1833) to Henry Ibbotson, Esq., England; and, to give it greater weight, dates it, Office of the Colonization Society, Washington." In this letter, he undertakes to enlighten his foreign correspondent on some of the "fundamental errors" of the Abolitionists, and ranks among them the opinion," that, in present circumstances, slavery ought to be abolished, by means not acting solely through, but, in a great degree against, and an defiance of the will of the South." Not a tittle of evidence

is given, that such an opinion is held by a single individual in the United States.

Mr. Jeremiah Hubbard, clerk of the Yearly Meeting of Friends! in North-Carolina, in a letter to a friend in England, (Af. Rep. X. p. 37) declares that "the primary object" of the Abolitionists "appears to be, that of producing such a revolution in public sentiment as to cause the national legislation to bear directly upon the slave-holders, and to compel them to emancipate their slaves.”

Now, to all these charges, and to each and every one of them, the members of the Anti-Slavery Society plead NOT GUILTY, and desire to be tried by God and their country. But, alas, no trial is vouchsafed to them: judgment has already been given, and execution awarded against them, without trial, and without evidence, solely on the finding of a voluntary and irresponsible inquest. All they can now do, is to ask for a reversal of the judgment as false and illegal, cruel and oppressive.

It is, of course, difficult to disprove charges, where the counts of the indictment are utterly void of certainty, and where, from the nature of the case, none but negative testimony can be offered by the accused. We have a right to presume, that the treason and nullification charged on Abolitionists, have reference to their efforts to procure the abolition of slavery in the United States. Now slavery exists under the authority of Congress, and also under the authority of State Legislatures. We will proceed in the first place to exhibit some facts relative to slavery in the former instance, and inquire how far the conduct of Abolitionists in respect to it, is treasonable and unconstitutional; and we will then make the same inquiry as to their conduct in regard to slavery in the several States.

CHAPTER V.

SLAVERY UNDER THE AUTHORITY OF CONGRESS.

Ar the last census, there were in the territories of Arkansas, Florida, and the District of Columbia, twenty-six thousand one hundred and thirty-eight slaves. We will confine our remarks at present to slavery as it is exhibited at the seat of the federal government, and in a portion of territory, over which the Constitution of the United States has given to Congress "exclusive jurisdiction." In this District of ten miles square, there are six thousand slaves; and the laws under which they are held in bondage, are among the most cruel and wicked of all the slave laws in the United States. This District, moreover, placed as it is under the immediate and absolute control of the national government, is the great slave mart of the North American continent.

In 1829, Mr. Miner, a member of the House of Representatives, from Pennsylvania, introduced a resolution for the gradual abolition of slavery in the District. In his speech in support of this resolution, many appalling facts were disclosed. It appeared, that in the last five years, seven hundred and fortytwo colored persons had been committed to the public prison of the city of Washington. And were these persons accused or convicted of crime? NOT ONE. Four hundred and fiftytwo were lodged in the UNITED STATES PRISON by slave traders, for safe keeping prior to exportation. The residue were imprisoned on suspicion, real or affected, of being fugitive slaves; and if not claimed as such, were by authority of Congress, to be soLD AS SLAVES FOR LIFE, to raise money to pay their JAIL FEES!!!

Such are the facts in regard to the prison in the Capital of our confederate Republic; and let it be recollected, that there are other prisons besides this in the District of Columbia.

Of the practical operation of a system sanctioned by the laws of Congress, take the following sample:

"Visiting the prison," says Mr. Miner, "and passing through the avenues that lead to the cells, I was struck with the appearance of a woman, having three or four children with her one at the breast. She presented such an aspect of wo, that I

Could not help inquiring her story. It was simply this: she was a slave, but had married a man who was free. By him she had eight or nine children. Moved by natural affection, the father labored to support the children; but as they attained an age to be valuable in the MARKET, perhaps ten or twelve, the master sold them. One after another was taken away and sold to the slave dealers. She had now come to an age to be no longer profitable as a breeder, and her master had separated her from her husband, and all the associations of life, and sent her and her children to YOUR prison for sale."

The law of the District, virtually the law of Congress, by which any colored person, without the allegation of a crime, may be seized and thrown into a cell, and unless he can there prove his freedom, or is claimed by another, is sold for life as a slave to pay his jail fees, is for unblushing injustice and atrocity utterly unrivalled by any enactment of the despots of the old world. Mr. Miner states, that in 1826-7 no less than FIVE persons were thus sold into perpetual bondage, for jail fees. In one case, the UNITED STATES MARSHALL lost his fees. Hear Mr. Miner. "In August, 1821, a black man was taken up and imprisoned as a runaway. He was kept confined until October, 1822-four hundred and five days. In this time, vermin, disease, and misery had deprived him of the use of his limbs. He was rendered a cripple for life, and finally discharged as no one would buy him. Turned out upon the world a miserable pauper, disabled by our means from gaining subsistence, he is sometimes supported from the poor house, sometimes receives alms in your streets."

Mr. Miner thus speaks of the AMERICAN SLAVE TRADE, as carried on in the District.

"The slave trade, as it exists and is carried on here, is marked by instances of injustice and cruelty scarcely exceeded on the coast of Africa. It is a mistake to suppose it is a mere purchase and sale of acknowledged slaves. The District is full of complaints on the subject, and the evil is increasing. So long ago as 1802, the extent and cruelty of the traffic, produced from a grand jury, at Alexandria, a presentment so clear, so strong, and so feelingly drawn, that I shall make no apology for reading it to the House."

Mr. Miner then read the following: