PART II.

AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY.

CHAPTER I.

Principles of the American Anti-Slavery Society. Character of American Slavery.

THE principles professed by the American Anti-Slavery Society, are set forth in the following articles of its Constitution, viz :

ARTICLE 2. The objects of this Society are the entire abolition of slavery in the United States. While it admits that each State, in which slavery exists, has, by the Constitution of the United States, the exclusive right to legislate in regard to its abolition in that State, it shall aim to convince all our fellow citizens by arguments addressed to their understandings and consciences, that slave-holding is a heinous crime in the sight of God; and that the duty, safety, and best interests of all concerned, require its immediate abandonment, without expatriation. The Society will also endeavor in a Constitutional way to influence Congress to put an end to the domestic slave trade; and to abolish slavery in all those portions of our common country, which come under its control, especially in the District of Columbia, and likewise to prevent the extension of it to any State that may hereafter be admitted to the Union.

ART. 3. This Society shall aim to elevate the character and condition of the people of color, by encouraging their intellectual, moral and religious improvement, and by removing public prejudice; that thus they may according to their intellectual and moral worth, share an equality with the whites, of civil and religious privileges; but the Society will never in any way, countenance the oppressed in vindicating their rights, by resorting to physical force.

ART. 4. Any person who consents to the principles of this

Constitution, who contributes to the funds of this Society, and is not a slave-holder, may be a member of this Society, and shall be entitled to vote at its meetings.

Here we have great moral principles frankly and unequivocally avowed; the objects to be pursued are distinctly stated; and none are permitted to join in the pursuit of these objects without assenting to the principles which avowedly render their attainment desirable. The whole structure of the Society, therefore, is totally different from the Colonization Society. This being founded on principle, that on expediency. This availing itself, only of certain professed motives, that inviting the co-operation of motives of all sorts, however contradictory.

In order to judge of the fitness of the objects contemplated by the Society, we must first inquire into the soundness of the principles by which they are recommended.

The first great principle of the Society, and indeed the one from which all the others are deduced, is the sinfulness of slavery. To determine whether slavery as it exists in the United States is sinful, we must know what it is. Where an institution is unavoidably liable to great abuses, those abuses may fairly be taken in account, in estimating its true character; but in order to avoid all captious objections, we will now inquire, what are the lawful, or rather legal features of American slavery, and we will leave wholly out of view, all acts of oppression and cruelty not expressly sanctioned by law. The following definitions of American slavery, are, it will be perceived, from high authority:

"A slave is one who is in the power of a master to whom he belongs. The master may sell him, dispose of his person, his industry, his labor; he can do nothing, possess nothing, nor acquire any thing but which must belong to his master.' Louisiana Code, Art. 3.

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"Slaves shall be deemed, taken, reputed and adjudged to be chattels personal in the hands of their masters and possessors, to all intents and purposes whatsoever." Laws of South Carolina-Brevard's Digest, 229.

It will be observed that these definitions apply to slaves without distinction of sex or age.

But not only are those now in servitude, bu neir children after them, the subjects of these definitions.

The law of South Carolina says of slaves, "all their issue and offspring born or to be born, shall be, and they are here. by declared to be and remain FOREVER HEREAFTER absolute slaves, and shall follow the condition of the mother."

Slavery is not confined to color. Mr. Paxton, a Virginia writer, declares that, "the best blood in Virginia, flows in the veins of the slaves." In the description lately given of a fugitive slave, in the public papers, it was stated, "He has sometimes been mistaken for a white man." The following from a Missouri paper, proves that a white man, may, without a mistake be adjudged a slave.

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"A case of a slave suing for his freedom, was tried a few days since in Lincoln county, of which the following is a brief statement of the particulars. A youth of about ten years of age sued for his freedom on the ground that he was a free white person. The court granted his petition to sue as a pauper upon inspection of his person. Upon his trial before the jury he was examined by the jury and by two learned physicians, all of whom concurred in the opinion that very little if any trace of negro blood could be discovered by any of the external appearances. All the physiological marks of distinctions which characterize the African descent had disappeared.

His skin was fair, his hair soft, straight, fine and white, his eyes blue, but rather disposed to the hazle-nut color; nose prominent, the lips small and completely covering the teeth, his head round and well formed, forehead high and prominent, the ears large, the tibia of the leg straight, the feet hollow. Notwithstanding these evidences of his claims, he was proven to be a descendant of a mulatto woman, and that his progenitors on his mother's side had been and still were slaves; consequently he was found to be a SLAVE.

The laws of South Carolina and Virginia expressly recognize Indian slaves.

Not only do the laws acknowledge and protect existing slavery, but they provide for reducing free persons to hereditary bondage. In South Carolina, fines are imposed on free negroes for certain offences, and in default of payment, they are made slaves. If a colored citizen of any other state enters Georgia, he is fined, and if he cannot raise the money, he is senenced to perpetual slavery, and his children after him. In

Maryland, if a free negro marries a white, the negro becomes a slave. In almost every slave state, if a free negro cannot prove that he is free, he is by law sold at public auction as a slave for life. This is both law and practice in the district of Columbia, and with the sanction of the Congress of the United States. In no civilized country but the slave states, are children punished for the crimes of their parents; but in these, the children of free blacks, to the latest posterity are condemned to servitude for the trivial offences, and often for the most innocent acts of their ancestors.

It necessarily follows from the legal definitions we have given of a slave, that he is subjected to an absolute and irresponsible despotism.

The master has in point of fact the same power over his slave that he has over his horse. Some few laws there may be, forbidding the master to treat his slave with cruelty, and so the common law every where forbids cruelty to beasts; but it is far easier to enforce the latter than the former. Any spectator of cruelty to a beast, may ordinarily be a witness. against the offender; but a slave may be mutilated or murdered with impunity in the presence of hundreds, provided their complexions are colored; and even should the crime be proved by competent testimony, the master is to be tried by a court and jury who are all interested in maintaining the su preme authority of slave-holders. But although no laws can in fact restrain the power of the master, yet laws to a certain degree, indicate what kind of treatment is tolerated by public opinion. Thus when we find the laws of South Carolina limiting the time which slaves may be compelled to labor, to fifteen hours a day, we may form some opinion of the amount of toil which southern masters think it right to inflict upon the slaves; and when we recollect, that the laws of Maryland, Virginia and Georgia, forbid that the criminals in their penitentiaries shall be made to labor more than ten hours a day; we discover the relative place which white felons, and unoffending slaves, occupy in the sympathies of slaveholders.

The slave is, at all times, liable to be punished at the pleasure of his master; and although the law does not warrant him in murdering the slave, it expressly justifies him in killing him, if he dares to resist. That is, if the slave does not