CHAPTER I. ORIGIN, CONSTITUTION, AND CHARACTER OF THE AMERI CAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. ON the 23d December, 1816, the Legislature of Virginia passed a résolution requesting the Governor to correspond with the President of the United States, "for the purpose of obtaining a territory on the coast of Africa, or at some other place not within any of the States, or territorial governments of the United States, to serve as an asylum for such persons of colour as are now free, and may desire the same, and for those who may hereafter be emancipated within this commonwealth." Within a few days of the date of this resolution, a meeting was held at Washington to take this very subject into consideration. It was composed almost entirely of southern gentlemen. Judge Washington presided; Mr. Clay, Mr. Randolph, and others, took part in the discussions which ensued, and which resulted in the organization of the American Colonization Society. Judge Washington was chosen President, and of the seventeen Vice Presidents, only five were selected from the free States, while the twelve managers were, it is believed, without one excep tion, slave-holders. The first two articles of the constitution, are the only ones relating to the object of the Society. They are as follows: Art. I. This Society shall be called the American Society for colonizing the free people of colour of the United States. Art. II. The object to which its attention is to be exclusively directed, is to promote and execute a plan for colonizing (with their consent) the free people of color residing in our country in Africa, or such other place as Congress shall deem most expedient. And the Society shall act to effect this object in co-operation with the general government and such of the States as may adopt regulations on the subject. It is worthy of remark, that this constitution has no preamble setting forth the motives which led to its adoption, and the sentiments entertained by its authors. There is no one single principle of duty or policy recognized in it, and the members may, without inconsistency, be Christians or Infidels they may be the friends or enemies of slavery, and may be actuated by kindness or by hatred towards "the free people of color." The omission of all avowal of motives was, probably, not without design, and has not been without effect. It has secured the co-operation of three distinct classes. First, such as sincerely desire to afford the free blacks an asylum from the oppression they suffer here, and by their means to extend to Africa the blessings of Christianity and civilization, and who at the same time flatter themselves that colonization will have a salutary influence in accelerating the abolition of slavery: Secondly, such as expect to enhance the value and security of slave property, by removing the free blacks: And, thirdly, such as seek relief from a bad population, without the trouble and expense of improving it. The doors of the Society being thrown open to all, a heterogeneous multitude has entered, and within its portals. men are brought into contact, who, in the ordinary walks of life, are separated by a common repulsion. The devoted missionary, ready to pour out his life on the sands of Africa, is jostled by the trafficker in human flesh; the humble, self-denying Christian, listens to the praises of the Society from the unblushing profligate; and the friend of human rights and human happiness greets as his fellowlaborer the man whose very contribution to the cause is extorted from the unrequited labor of his fellow-men. This anomalous amalgamation of characters and motives, has necessarily led to a lamentable compromise of principle. Whatever may be the object each member proposes to himself, he is conscious it can be effected only by the harmonious co-operation of all the other members. Hence it is all important to avoid giving and taking offence; and never was the maxim, "bear and forbear," more scru pulously obeyed. Certain irreconcileable opinions, but regarded by their holders as fundamental, are, by common, consent, wholly suppressed; while in matters of less importance, the expression of opposite sentiments is freely allowed and borne with commendable patience. The advocates of slavery forbear shocking its opponents by justifying it in the abstract, and in return for this complaisance, those opponents forbear condemning it in particulars. Each party consents to make certain concessions to conciliate the other. The Southron admits slavery to be a political evil; the northern member courteously replies, that under present circumstances, it is unavoidable, and therefore justifiable. The actual condition of the slave, his mental bondage, his bodily sufferings, are understood to be forbidden topics. The oppressor of the free negro dwells on his depravity and degradation; the friend of the free negro admits, and often aggravates the charges against him, but carefully abstains from all allusion to the true causes of that depravity and degradation, unless to excuse them as being inevitable. Both parties unite in depicting in glowing colors, the effects of the oppression of the free negro, in order to prove the humanity of banishing him from the country; while both refrain from all attempts to remove or lessen the oppres sion. The simplicity of the object of the Society as stated in its constitution, tends in a powerful degree to encourage and enforce this compromise of principle. The constitution, in fact, vests a discretionary veto in every member on the expression of unpalatable opinions. The attention of the Society is to be "exclusively" directed to the colonization of persons of color, and the constitution contains no allusion to slavery. Hence any denunciation of slavery as sinful,* any arguments addressed to slave holders to induce them to manumit their slaves, would be unconstitutional, and are therefore carefully avoided. But the free blacks * Candor requires the admission that there is at least one exception to this remark. At the annual meeting of the Society in 1834, the Rev. Mr. Breckenridge in his speech insisted on the sinfulness of slavery. A distinguished lay member of the Society, who was present, complained to the author of Mr. B.'s unconstitutional conduct, and declared that he was strongly tempted publicly to call him to order. cannot be transported without money, and much money cannot be had, without the aid of the enemies of slavery. It is therefore permitted to represent the Society as an antidote to slavery, as tending to effect its abolition, any thing in the constitution to the contrary notwithstanding. But then this abolition is to be brought about at some future indefinite period. True it is, that the constitution is as silent, with respect to manumission, as it is to slavery; but by common consent, this silence is not permitted to interpose the slightest obstacle to a unanimous, vigorous, and persevering opposition to present manumission. Were the American Bible Society to deprecate the emancipation of slaves, and to censure all who proposed it, the outrage would excite the indignation of the whole community. But what would be a perversion of its avowed object in a Bible Society, is perfectly lawful in a Colonization Society, not because it is authorized by the constitution, but because it is expedient to conciliate the slave holders. Many of the supporters of the Society are interested in the American slave trade*-a trade replete with cruelty and injustice. To condemn this trade, or to labor for its suppression, would be unconstitutional. The African slave trade rather interferes with, than promotes the interests of the slave owners, and the Society deem it unnecessary to seek for any constitutional warrant to justify the most violent denunciation of the foreign traffic; or an application to foreign powers to declare it piratical.† To hold up the free blacks to the detestation of the community, is constitutional-to recommend them to the sympathy of Christians, to propose schools for their instruction, plans for encouraging their industry, and efforts for their moral and religious improvement, would be such a flagrant departure from the "exclusive" object of the Sociéty, that no member has hitherto been rash enough to make the attempt. At the same time it is quite constitutional to vindicate the cruel laws which are crushing these people in the dust, and to show that the oppression they suffer is "an ordination of Providence." *The first President of the Society, was, as we shall see hereafter, no inconsiderable dealer. + See proceedings of Am. Col. Society of 20th January, 1827. The constitution indeed, forbids the transportation of the free blacks without "their consent;" but it is very constitutional to justify and encourage such oppression of them, as shall compel them to seek in the wilds of Africa, a refuge from American cruelty. The natural result of this compromise of principle, this suppression of truth, this sacrifice to unanimity, has been the adoption of expediency as the standard of right and wrong, in the place of the revealed will of God. Unmindful of the poet's precept, Be virtuous ends pursued by virtuous means, good men, and good Christians, have been tempted by their zeal for the Society, to countenance opinions and practices inconsistent with justice and humanity. Confident that their motives were good, and their object important, they have been too little scrupulous of the means they employed; and hence, the Society has actually exerted a demoralizing influence over its own members, by leading them occasionally to advance in its behalf opinions at variance with truth and Christianity. Unhappily the evil influence of the Society has not been confined to its own members. It has, to a lamentable extent, vitiated the moral sense of the community, by reconciling public opinion to the continuance of slavery, and by aggravating those sinful prejudices against the free blacks, which are subjecting them to insult and persecution, and denying them the blessings of education and religious instruction. We are sensible that these are grave assertions, and that many will deem them very extraordinary ones. The reader's belief is not solicited for them at present, nor will it be for any assertion hereafter made, till supported by unquestionable evidence. The remarks in this chapter are intended only as a general statement of the case against the Society, and as an explanation of the process by which many excellent men belonging to it, have insensibly been seduced into conduct of at least doubtful morality. The charges now made will in due time be substantiated by authentic facts, and by quotations from the language, both official and private, of members of the Society. |