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The Classical Weekly

Published weekly, on Mondays, except in weeks in which there is a legal or a School holiday, from October 1 to May 31, at Barnard College, New York City. Subscription price, $2.00 per volume.

Entered as second-class matter November 18, 1907, at the Post Office, New York, N. Y., under the Act of Congress of March 3, 1879 Acceptance for mailing at special rate of postage provided for in Section 1103, Act of October 3, 1917, authorized on June 28, 1918.

WHOLE No. 327

VOL. XII, No. 13

MONDAY, JANUARY 27, 1919

Visitation, Dubuque, Iowa.

A Partial List of the 510 Schools That Use Graphic Latin

HIGH SCHOOLS

Akron, Ind.

Albion, Mich.

Anthon, Iowa

Ariel, Pa.

Arlington, Ind.

Arlington, Mass.

Ashland, Nebr.

Atlanta, Ind.

Bainbridge, Pa.

Baltimore, Md.
Bancroft, Iowa

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Beacon, N. Y.
Belleville, N. J.
Belmond, Iowa

Benton Harbor, Mich.

Berrien Springs, Mich.
Biddeford, Me.

Black River Falls, Wis.
Bloomfield, Nebr.

Bonesteel, So. Dak.
Brattelboro, Vt.
Bristol, Pa.
Brookfield, Mo.

Butler, N. J.

Butte, Nebr.

Canton, O.

Caledonia, O.

Cambridge, Mass.

Carey, O.

Catasauqua, Pa.

All Saints School, Sioux City, So. Dak.

Miss Barstow's School, Kansas City, Mo.

Belmont Abbey College, Belmont, N. С.

Blackstone College, Blackstone, Va.

Brimmer School, The, Boston.

Brunswick School, Greenwich, Conn.

Buies Creek Academy, Buies Creek, N. C.

Cascadilla School, Ithaca, N. Y.

Ceaderville College, Ceaderville, O.
Centenary College, Shreveport, La.
Colgate University, Hamilton, N. Y.
College of the Incarnate Word, San Antonio, Texas
College of St. Elizabeth, Convent, N. J.
Columbian College, Westminster, B. C., Can.
Connecticut College, New London, Conn.
Country Day School, Newton, Mass.
Country Day School, Kansas City, Mo.
Miss Craven's School, Newark, N. J.
Culver Military Academy, Culver, Ind.
Dartmouth College, Hanover, N. H.
Dean Academy, Franklin, Mass.

DeVeaux School, Niagara Falls, N. Y.

East Carolina Teachers' Training School, Greeneville, N. C.

Franklin School, Cincinnati, O.

Ga. Normal and Industrial College, Milledgeville, Ga.

Georgetown Visitation Convent, Washington, D. C.

Girls' Collegiate School, Los Angeles, Calif.

Groton School, Groton, Mass.

Central City, Ky.

Chelsea, Mass.

Chicopee, Mass.

Gunston Hall, Washington, D. C.

Cincinnati, O.

Hawken School, Cleveland, Ohio.

Clarksburg, W. Va.

Henderson-Brown College, Arkadelphia, Ark.

Clark's Summit, Pa.

Holderness School, Plymouth, N. H.

Watch for the Announcement of Large Wall Charts of Graphic Latin.

JOHN C. GREEN, Jr.

Latin Instuctor, BLAIR ACADEMY

BLAIRSTOWN, N. J.

LIVY AND HORACE

BURTON'S SELECTIONS FROM LIVY

(MORRIS AND MORGAN'S LATIN SERIES)

Edited by HARRY E. BURTON, Ph.D., Professor of Latin, Dartmouth College.

375 pp., with introduction and notes. Text edition.

These selections give a more comprehensive idea of Livy's genius and versatility than can be had from the reading of any one or two books. The passages are varied in nature, and are not so short as to appear fragmentary. There is a comprehensive introduction, and a complete system of cross references.

MOORE'S HORACE. ODES, EPODES, AND CARMEN SAECULARE

(MORRIS AND MORGAN'S LATIN SERIES)

Edited by CLIFFORD HERSCHEL MOORE, Professor of Latin, Harvard University.
465 pp., with introduction and notes. Text edition.

The introduction to this edition, besides dealing with the poet's life and writings, discusses his lyric metres and peculiarities of syntax. The commentary is not limited to the baldest aids, but is intended to help students to some appreciation of Horace's art and charm. The introductory note to each poem shows by paraphrase or analysis the central idea and the manner of its development and also tells of the circumstances under which the verses were written.

MORRIS'S HORACE. SATIRES AND EPISTLES
(MORRIS AND MORGAN'S LATIN SERIES)

Edited by EDWARD P. MORRIS, Professor of Latin, Yale University.
493 pp., with introduction and notes. Text edition.

This edition differs from others chiefly in the greater emphasis which it places upon the thought of Horace as distinguished from the language, or the verse, or the allusions. Too much as well as too little annotation has been avoided. The delicate shades of thought and the significance of the terms used by the poet are fully brought out.

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For second year Latin we recommend
D'Ooge and Eastman's

CAESAR IN GAUL

This book simplifies greatly the change from first-year work to second-year work. The life of Caesar in easy Latin at the beginning of the book admirably reviews the forms and the syntax of the first year, and serves to introduce the Gallic War. In the first two books the use of direct in place of indirect discourse removes a genuine hindrance to progress. In one volume are included text, grammar, proseeverything necessary to the work of the second year. Both maps and illustrations are exceptional.

GINN AND

COMPANY

NEW YORK

70 FIFTH AVENUE

ATHENALM

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The Classical Weekly

Entered as second-class matter November 18, 1907, at the Post Office, New York, N. Y., under the Act of Congress of March 3, 1879 Acceptance for mailing at special rate of postage provided for in Section 1103, Act of October 3, 1917, authorized on June

VOL. XII

28, 1918.

NEW YORK, JANUARY 27, 1919

PROFESSOR W. W. HYDE ON THE MOUNTAINS

OF GREECE

The student of the Classics is constantly learning that matter of great importance to him in his studies has been published in journals which he rarely, if ever, sees. One such paper, entitled The Mountains of Greece, by Professor Walter Woodburn Hyde, of the University of Pennsylvania, was published in 1915, in The Bulletin of the Geographical Society of Philadelphia, 13.1-16, 47-64, 110-126. The contents of the paper are as follows:

Introduction (1-2); Influence of the Mountains on Greek Character and History (2-3); The Contour of the Balkan Peninsula (3-4); Distribution of Greek Mountain Chains (4-9. The subdivisions here are: North Greece, 4-5: Central Greece, 5-6: The Peloponnesus, 6: The Mountainous Character of Arcadia, 6-8: System and Confusion, 8-9); "The Lively Grecian in a Land of Hills" (9); Prevalence of the Horizontal Line in the Greek Mountains (10); Geologic History Reflected in Greek Myths (10-13); Geologic Changes During Historic Times (13-16, 47-50. Subdivisions here are <Upheavals>, 13: Vulcanism, 14-16: Subterranean Streams, 47-49: Earthquakes in Modern Greece, 49-50); The Contours of Greek Mountains Reflected in Their Names (50-51); Deforestation of Greek Mountains (51-53); The Artistic Grouping of Greek Mountains (53-55); Individuality of their Coloring (55-56); The Luminous Atmosphere of Athens (56-57); Poetic Legends About the Mountains (57); The Uses to Which the Greeks Put Their Mountains (58-64, 110-116. Subdivisions here are Sanctuaries, 58-59: Watch-Towers, 59-60: Telegraph Stations, 60-64, 110-111: Used as Marble Quarries, 111-114); Scientific Study of Mountains by the Ancient Greeks (114-118. Subdivisions are Scientific Calculations of the Heights of Greek Mountains, 114-117: Mountain Ascents for Scientific Purposes, 117-118); Mountain Ascents for Pleasure (118-120); The Greek Romantic Feeling for Mountains (120-121); The Chief Interest of the Greek his Fellowman (121-122); Attracted More by the Quiet Aspects of Nature than by the Wild and Savage (122-123); A Description of a Mountain in Aeschylus (123); Greek Feeling of Sympathy for their Mountains (123-125); Difficulty of Appreciating the Ancient Feeling Now (125-126).

If we turn now to matters of detail, we shall find much that will be not only instructive, but also fascinating. On page 7 Professor Hyde emphasizes the contrast between the real nature of Arcadia as "a network of rugged hills and cliffs strewn about in Tyrolean profusion" and the picture of Arcadia as drawn by the later poets. Arcadia's

No. 13

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In a footnote Professor Hyde suggests that in order to soften the harshness and sternness of the people, caused by the bleakness of their surroundings and climate, musical education seems to have been compulsory in most of the Arcadian towns.

Interesting, too, is the following paragraph from page 10:

Perhaps the most striking feature of these mountains is the "prevalence of the horizontal line"; for there is no peak high enough to dwarf all the others. Μηδὲν ἄγαν, "nothing in excess", the guiding principle of their life, the Greeks seemed to have learned from their physical environment. Here one's attention is not riveted on one or even a few summits to the exclusion of the lesser

ones.

In Switzerland it is always a Mt. Blanc, a Matterhorn, a Jungfrau or an Ortler which claims the traveller's attention. But in Greece the eye rests on a succession of peaks, none of which has a commanding interest. Even Olympus itself, at the extreme northeastern corner of the country, is only 1,500-2,000 feet higher than six other peaks. Though several may be snow-clad for a part of the year, not one reaches the limit of perpetual snow. The nine highest-exclusive of Olympus-only vary a little over a thousand feet in height.

On pages 11-12 Professor Hyde writes:

Few lands have been the scene of more terrible upheavals of nature than Greece. Many echoes of these geologic conflicts are preserved to us in Greek legends, especially in those of Thessaly. Here mighty battles were fought, in which the combatants, like the Lapiths and Centaurs, used trees and rocks for missiles, or, like the Titans and later Giants, hurled rocks and hills at one another and even piled mountain on mountain. As you look out over the mountain-locked plain of Thessaly, you can well understand why geology and legend concur in picturing it as once a great inland sea, until finally its waters broke their way through the cleft of Tempe between the bases of Ossa and her giant neighbor Olympus.

Such myths seem to reflect the final throes of the long epoch when Greece was the theater of that tremendous volcanic action which slowly formed her mountains, plains, and coasts. Such disturbances lasted down into historical times and were continued by earthquakes which even yet are the bane of the country.

In beginning his study (58) of the uses to which the Greeks put their mountains, Professor Hyde writes as follows:

At the outset it may be said that they always felt for them a religious veneration and awe. From the names of some of them we can also see that in very early times they must have viewed them with terror. For if the Greeks more often associated their hills with well known animals and objects, the names of others show that they had a very different feeling toward them. Thus Maenalus means the "wild and tempestuous" mountain; Ceraunia is the "thunder" range; Tymphrestus means a "whirlwind"; Ptoon is the "terrifying" hill, while Phrikion-a hill near Thermopylae would answer to the Swiss "Schreckhorn".

Hence the mountains were early used as places for the erection of altars at which to appease awe-inspiring deities. But very early the Greek mountains began to be used in the history of warfare for much more practical purposes, such as watch-towers and telegraph stations. The early name of Corinth, Ephyre, Professor Hyde derives from ἐφοράω. One of the peaks of Taygetus was called Euoras which, as Professor Hyde notes, could be exactly translated by 'belvedere'. The discussion of the use of mountains as telegraph stations I found particularly interesting, because it reminded me so vividly of my own revered teacher, Professor A. C. Merriam, who wrote on this subject many years ago; on this paper Professor Hyde largely relies. The use of mountains in this way is already mentioned in the Iliad (18.203-214). On pages 61-62 there is a detailed account of the line of beacon fires a line of stations actually in use in Aeschylus's day-described by Aeschylus in the Agamemnon 281-316. Professor Hyde refers also to signalling by means of shields, signalling by means of torches, and by a more elaborate device described by Aeneas Tacticus (110-111).

Professor Hyde tells us that twenty-five ancient quarries can be counted on Mt. Pentelicus; the highest is near the top of the mountain, about 3,300 feet above the sea. The largest is 1,000 feet lower. The marble of Hymettus did not come into prominence until the third century B.C.; it received its greatest celebrity among the Romans. It was of finer grain even than Pentelicus marble, but was generally streaked with bluish-gray; therefore, it was little used for sculpture, but rather for tombs, inscriptions, and buildings. Athenians still quarry the marble of Hymettus in great amounts. The most famous marble quarries in Greece were, of course, those on the island of Paros.

As the old feeling of fear and religious awe inspired by the mountains wore away, the Greeks began, from the end of the fourth century B.C., to calculate the heights of the mountains and later still to climb mountains for scientific purposes (114-117). As was to be expected, most of the calculations were distinctly inaccurate. The most accurate was made by Strabo. He gives the height of Acro-Corinth as 2,100 feet, which is only 214 feet more than the truth. Strabo, again, mentions an ascent of Aetna, which was made apparently for scientific purposes (117-118).

In later times men began to ascend mountains for pleasure, to obtain a wide panoramic view. Thus,

Strabo states that Mt. Argaeus in Cappadocia was ascended on account of its view, since both the Euxine and the Mediterranean, on opposite sides of Asia Minor, were visible from its top (in this he was mistaken). The same author states that he ascended Acro-Corinth for the view, which he describes. Livy recounts the ascent of the Haemus range in Macedonia made by King Philip V. The greatest mountain-climber of antiquity was the emperor Hadrian. He ascended Aetna and Mt. Casius, near Antioch, in Syria, to view the sunrise. He visited also the hill named by tradition as the place whence the Ten Thousand, after their march through Armenia, first saw the sea.

Turning now to discuss the Greek feeling for scenery, so far as it concerns their mountains, Professor Hyde notes that, ever since the time of Alexander von Humboldt, it has been assumed almost universally that the Greeks never really felt any attraction for their scenery. This belief is founded on the fact that so few notices of scenery are to be found in extant literature. Professor Hyde gives his own view, as follows (121-122): And that the Greeks did feel an intimate sympathy and love for their varied and natural surroundings is actually shown by the wealth of legend which haunted every part of their land; and the picturesque location of many a temple on sea cliff, mountain side and in romantic woodland makes it impossible not to believe that they were possessed of a developed sense of natural beauty, even if definite proofs of it are lacking in their literature and if the feeling was far more limited than with us. We must agree with Shairp that "there is hardly a tone of sentiment which nature in modern times has evoked, of which some faint prelude at least might not be found among them".

The wild and savage in nature did not arouse the same feelings in the Greeks as it does in us; they were far more attracted to the more kindly delights of rural and sylvan scenes. As Professor Hyde notes, the beautiful description of the Attic hill of Colonus in Sophocles's Oedipus Coloneus is a splendid example of their innate love of the gentler beauties of nature.

On pages 123, 124-125 Professor Hyde writes:

There is really but one great description of mountain scenery in the whole literature and that gives us the early Greek feeling of aversion towards the mountains as barren and repulsive wastes. In the Prometheus, Aeschylus takes us to "earth's limit", to the "sky-piercing rocks" and the "star-neighboring peaks" in the neighborhood of the Caucasus. He depends less for his effect on stage scenery and the "thundermill" than on the terrific force of the language in which he describes the rock world. The final scene closes amid a fearful cataclysm of storm and earthquake, a description almost as vivid as the lightning flashes one of the grandest passages in the whole range of poetry1.

Thus it is not true that the Greeks looked upon their mountains only with feelings of awe and aversion, as fit places on which to erect altars to appease angry deities. Though the name of many a Greek hill shows that in the earliest times they must have viewed them even with feelings of terror, as places that were barren

Reference may be made here to my remarks in THE CLASSICAL WEEKLY 9.137-138.

and repulsive and perhaps haunted by evil spiritsplaces to be crossed only under direst necessity-such feelings did not last. It was the less imaginative and more business-like Romans who never were able to conquer their earlier feelings of aversion towards mountain scenery; poets like Catullus and Vergil, born and reared in sight of the Alps, scarcely mention them. But the Greeks, through long familiarity with their hills, soon lost their dread of them and in slow process of time began to look upon them with the kindlier feelings of sympathy and companionship, even if their poets did not stop to describe them in Wordsworthian detail. The reason for the absence of such descriptions, hinted at by Murray in the passage just quoted, lay deep in the psychology of the race, in the very nature of the Greek. Zimmern has shown that landscape poetry, like landscape painting, can only come into existence when a people is able to see itself objectively in its surroundings and no longer feel itself part and parcel of them. Though they had long speculated upon the inner nature of man, the Greeks, up to the close of the fifth century B. C., if not later, had not fully entered upon the stage of self-consciousness in their attitude toward their natural environment. Hard it is for us moderns, sophistocated by all the centuries that lie between us and the Greeks and forever denied the simplicity and freshness of view of that wonderful race, to understand this. For our view of nature is relatively objective while theirs was subjective. As Zimmern puts it: "Like all simple folk, they take a knowledge of their scenery and surroundings for granted in all who listen to them. The Mediterranean landscape, like the institution of the city-state, forms a permanent background to Greek life and thought. Its influence is omnipresent, but it is seldom expressed"".

Professor Hyde's paper is reinforced by 178 footnotes, giving abundant references to the Greek writers, and to modern works on Greek geography. The paper is also beautifully illustrated with views of Greek mountains.

C. K.

SECOND YEAR LATIN AND SOME ASPECTS OF THE WORLD WAR1

In these days of war activities, when the history teacher is teaching war and the English teacher is demanding themes on war, the Latin teacher naturally asks, 'What shall I do?' The very name of Caesar suggests war; and at this time, when we think war, hear war, eat war, and know that some of our pupils are already feeling the hardships of it, how can we refrain from the discussions that are naturally precipitated by the text we are reading? I do not expect to offer to teachers new material for the teaching of Caesar and, needless to say, I shall not attempt to give expert military information, but I propose to show how the teacher of Latin can use the present opportunity to make Caesar's campaigns real reports from real battlefields in which pupils are now vitally interested.

Compare Professor Hyde's paper. The Ancient Appreciation of Mountain Scenery, The Classical Journal 11.70-84. Kindred, too, to the themes discussed in this issue is a very suggestive paper, entitled Fortunatus Et Ille, by Professor Tenney Frank, The Classical Journal 12.482-494, in which the writer discusses the attitude of the Greeks and the Romans toward nature, and seeks to explain the absence from their poetry of descriptions of nature.

This paper was read at the Twelfth Annual Meeting of The Classical Association of the Atlantic States, held at the Drexel Institute, Philadelphia, May 4, 1918.

The introductory lesson to the Gallic Wars is usually a geography lesson. To-day, the mere presentation of a map of Gaul to any class of American boys and girls awakens keen interest. At once they try to locate the Western Front. Then they are willing to trace the tres partes of ancient Gaul, and are rather eager to learn something about the people who lived in this country that seems so near to them now. 'Are the French the descendants of the Gauls?', and 'Are they like the Gauls?', are some of the questions put to the teacher. Here is the teacher's opportunity to tell his class that they are to have the privilege of answering these questions as they read Caesar's Gallic Wars.

We shall now, for a few minutes, take the pupil's point of view and try to answer some of his questions. First, we shall study the character of the Gauls and then we shall decide whether we think the French are their descendants.

Perhaps one of the first impressions is that the Gauls were a freedom-loving people. The desire to be free, it may be, enabled Dumnorix to foresee in Caesar a future conqueror and made him develop into the scoundrel that Caesar paints. Pupils readily take Caesar's opinion of this interesting revolutionist, and to many the death scene in which he calls upon his retainers to witness that he is a free man of a free people reveals for the first time the motives underlying his conduct, and makes him appear as one of the pioneers of Gallic independence. The Belgae object to the continued presence of the Germans in Gaul, but they as strongly object to the presence of Caesar's army. They are not arrayed particularly against the Germans, but they are guarding their land against foreign invaders. Again and again, particularly in Book 7, the Gauls urge the preservation of liberty as one of their chief duties, and the struggle for independence culminates in the courageous work of Vercingetorix. It is this same love of freedom, which has seemed to live in the land of France, that has made possible for the French people their great Republic and enables them now to furnish inspiration to us and to other nations in our fight for democracy.

Pupils like to find points of similarity, but they feel as if they have achieved even more by finding points of difference. One of the questions sure to come is this, 'The Gauls were not as brave as the modern French, were they?' This immediately provokes a discussion and illustrations are given of Gallic bravery; for instance, the battle of the Aisne, the resistance of the Nervii, and the conduct of the Piso brothers are cited, and, of course, the seventh book of the Gallic Wars furnishes a strong defense of the bravery of the Gauls. Caesar's victorious march through the territory of the Belgae is compared with the German invasion of Belgium and Northern France, and these are some of the questions that have been discussed: 'Was it worth while for any tribe to hold out against Caesar?'; 'Did the reputation for bravery won by the Nervii compensate for the loss of life?'

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