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Again, a Stoic beginning can hardly be made to harmonize with the later strophes in which the poet resolves to sing ever of his Lalage. This difficulty has long been recognized, but since the time of Peerlkamp the prevalent way of meeting it has been to suppose that the whole poem is to be taken as a piece of humora kind of burlesque on the poet himself. This view, of which Hendrickson has given a somewhat detailed accounts, is well represented in the comment of a recent American editor and translator.

This ode is manifestly intended by the poet merely as a humorous glorification of his own virtue. The exaggerated description of the wolf, along with the sportive stanzas at the close, tally admirably with the mock philosophical reflections of the opening strophes.

Now it would not be unnatural for Horace to give an ironical picture of himself for the sake of the implied contrast with reality, supposing that every one knew what the reality was. It would mitigate the otherwise un-Horatian egotism, and doubtless produce a humorous effect. But how would it cure the disconnection of thought between the two parts? It may be said that the poet intends to suggest a second antithesis between the man of lofty virtue and his occupation, that is, his singing of Lalage. In this case the theme would be: Virtue leads to love, with an implication of its inherent absurdity. This would be humorous to a Stoic (if his humor had survived his Stoicism), but not necessarily so to any one else, and least of all to Horace himself. Besides, there is nothing in the language of the first two strophes to indicate that he is speaking in irony. The description of the good man is the same which elsewhere, in quite sober earnest, the poet applies to himself -integer, in Sermones 2. 1. 85, and insons et purus ( scelerisque purus) in Sermones 1.6.69. As to the verses themselves, they are cast in the lofty manner which Horace knows so well how to assume.

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This is recog

ized by Professor Shorey, who characterizes the poem as passing from "a momentary flush of genuine feeling to a mock heroic combination and a jesting close". For him (it may be added) this tonal sequence of itself constitutes a unity, the only kind, indeed, which is here desirable. This is hardly a solution of our difficulty, being rather a view that no solution is to be had.

A final consideration is Horace's attitude in this ode toward virtue. It is not the Stoic attitude, which regards virtue as an end in itself.

Virtue alone is good, and welfare or happiness consists exclusively in virtuous action. It

is to be chosen for its own sake and not from the expectation of good or fear of evil3.

It is clear that in singing of Lalage Horace is not engaged in a particularly virtuous action, such as might be expected to flow from preeminent excellence, nor is it with virtue as such that he is especially in love. He

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is in fact in love with love, and he praises virtue because, like a shield, it secures him in his enjoyment. In other words, to Horace here, virtue is not an end in itself but a means of happiness.

Now virtue as a means of happiness is one of the great principles of Epicurus. 'It is impossible', he says in his golden maxims, 'to live a pleasant life without also living wisely and well and justly'. The reason is that wrong-doing brings with it anxiety and fear and general unrest, which are the greatest obstacles to the tranquility which happiness requires1o. Horace has exemplified this principle in his treatment of clandestine love, which can not be enjoyed on account of the constant fear of detection". It is apparent also from his general account of himself that he regarded his moral character, vitiis mediocribus ac paucis. mendosa alioqui recta,12 as the foundation of his happiness, and it is in accord with this view that he so often admonishes others to be rid of anxiety, not through riches or travel but by right thinking and living. It is thus that he attains it in the present ode, as we may see by bringing integer vitae and scelerisque purus into relation with curis. expeditis. The latter is surely the result of the former, and the matter could hardly be indicated more plainly.

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We may now interpret the poem as a whole. The dangers against which the good man needs no weapons are not the ills of life in general (as the Stoic presupposition would demand), but are the disturbing and disintegrating influences of wrong-doing. They are anxiety-the Black Care that sits behind the horseman -and fear and remorse and all the evil brood of wickedFrom all of these the man with a good conscience is free. To illustrate this fact the poet brings up his experience with the wolf, which fled before him as he sang, carefree, of his beloved. The wolf symbolizes sin and guilt, which exist indeed, but have no power to harm the pure of heart. Lalage may also be regarded as a symbol. We know Horace's conception of lovenot the modern romantic passion, but something far different and doubtless much less admirable, and yet a fundamental and perfectly normal expression of human life. It is one of the great preoccupations, and stands here for the whole idea of quiet happiness and joy (note that Lalage is not present). What he would say therefore is first that moral tranquility is indispensable to the pleasant (i. e. the happy) life, and, having the good fortune himself to possess this prerequisite, he proposes to devote himself to the realization of happiness under all circumstances. In form the ode is an allegorical elaboration of a general principle together with its most significant illustration. So understood it no longer suffers from want of unity in structure or from any kind of incoherence. The humor of the poem does not arise

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THE ANCIENTS AND THE WAR During the course of the last four years a number of short articles have appeared in THE CLASSICAL WEEKLY calling attention to Greek and Roman analogues to events in the great World War. A collection of this scattered material into a connected paper might prove valuable. The present writer, however, merely wishes to add to the list several parallels culled from his own reading.

Daedalus and Icarus may, perhaps, be regarded as 'pioneer aviators', although they never left the ground, except in the imagination of the mythographers. The problem of aerial navigation had, however, reached the experimental stage even in antiquity, and the first flying machine was called the Dove. The story of this marvel is recorded by Aulus Gellius 10. 12. 9-10:

Sed id, quod Archytam Pythagoricum commentum esse atque fecisse traditur, neque minus admirabile neque tamen vanum acque videri debet. Nam et plerique nobilium Graecorum et Favorinus philosophus, memoriarum veterum exsequentissimus, affirmatissime scripserunt simulacrum columbae e ligno ab Archyta ratione quadam disciplinaque mechanica factum volasse; ita erat scilicet libramentis suspensum et aura spiritus inclusa atque occulta concitum.

Before the war developed into a stalemate on the Western front, scouts detected the presence of the enemy by noting the alarm manifested by birds frightened from their retreats. This method of locating the foe was practised by the Romans, as is proved by two passages from Frontinus (Strategemata 1. 2. 7-8): Aemilius Paulus consul, bello Etrusco apud oppidum Vetuloniam dimissurus exercitum in planitiem, contemplatus procul avium multitudinem citatiore volatu ex silva consurrexisse, intellexit aliquid illic insidiarum latere, quod et turbatae aves et plures simul evolaverant. Praemissis igitur exploratoribus comperit decem milia Boiorum excipiendo ibi Romanorum agmini inminere, eaque alio quam exspectabatur latere missis legionibus circumfudit.

Similiter Tisamenus Orestis filius, cum audisset iugum ab hostibus natura munitum teneri, praemisit sciscitaturos, quid rei foret; ac referentibus eis non esse verum, quod opinaretur, ingressus iter, ubi vidit ex suspecto iugo magnam vim avium simul evolasse neque omnino residere, arbitratus est latere illic agmen hostium; itaque circumducto exercitu elusit insidia

tores.

13 For a general study of the relation of Horace to Epicurus see Philippson, Horaz' Stellung zur Philosophie, Festschrift dem König Wilhelms Gymnasium zur Magdeburg, 77-110 (1911).

The New York Tribune for May 19, 1917 contained the following despatch:

Copenhagen, May 18.-The Women's Patriotic League of Solingen, Rhenish Prussia, Germany, is making a collection of women's hair from which to weave belting for use in munition works. Shorter hair will be used to make felt for military purposes.

In the defense of the town of Salonae against Marcus Octavius hair was employed to operate engines of war (Caesar, B. C. 3. 9. 3):

Sed celeriter cives Romani ligneis effectis turribus his sese munierunt et, cum essent infirmi ad resistendum propter paucitatem hominum, crebris confecti vulneribus ad extremum auxilium descenderunt servosque omnis puberes liberaverunt et praesectis omnium mulierum crinibus tormenta effecerunt.

This instance of the use of hair to furnish motive power is not unique. At the end of the Second Punic War the Carthaginian women were shorn of their crowning glory in order to equip the catapults (Appian 8. 13.93)1.

We look upon the employment of women in men's jobs in munition factories as an innovation. Were the names of the weapons changed in the following quotation from Appian (1. c.), it would have a familiar ring (White's translation):

All the sacred places, the temples, and every other wide and open space, were turned into workshops, where men and women worked together day and night, on a fixed schedule <i. e. shifts>, without pause, taking their food by turns. Each day they made 100 shields, 300 swords, 1000 missiles for catapults, 500 darts and spears, and as many catapults as they could.

Some precedent for the Battalion of Death may, perhaps, be found in the Amazons. Who knows that the soul of Plato is not now rejoicing over a telepathic communication to the effect that one of his recommendations for an ideal republic has finally been put into effect??

A clipping from the New York Times, May 3, 1917, reads as follows:

Berlin, May 2.-Bread made from the spring buds of lime and beech trees is the latest promise of German scientists. Two brothers named Branco have perfected the process of producing flour from this source, with considerable quantities of fat and animal fodder as by-products. They estimate that about 500,000 tons of the new flour can be produced annually in Germany. The flour is said to have the same nutritive value as barley.

This item reminds one of the manner in which Caesar's soldiers at Dyrrachium eked out their scanty supplies by making bread from roots (Caesar, B. C. 3. 48)3:

quod appella

Est genus radicis inventum tur chara, quod admixtum lacte multum inopiam

Compare Philo § 12; Hero § 26 f.

The conclusion is reached in Plato, Republic 457 A, that women should bear their part in actual fighting and in the other duties comprised in the guardianship of the state.

Compare Pliny, N. H. 19.144 Nec non olus quoque silvestre est, triumpho divi Iuli carminibus praecipue iocisque militaribus celebratum, alternis quippe versibus exprobavere lapsana se vixisse aput Dyrrachium, praemiorum parsimoniam cavillantes.

levabat. Id ad similitudinem panis efficiebant. Eius erat magna copia. Ex hoc effectos panis, cum in colloquiis Pompeiani famam nostris obiectarent, vulgo in eos iaciebant, ut spem eorum minuerent.

It may be noted by way of parenthesis that the ruse of throwing bread almost achieved the desired results (Suetonius, Caesar 68):

Famem tanto opere tolerabant, ut Dyrrachina munitione Pompeius, viso genere panis ex herba, quo sustinebantur, cum feris sibi rem esse dixerit, amoverique ocius nec cuiquam ostendi iusserit, ne patientia et pertinacia hostis animi suorum frangerentur. Recently the English Parliament intended to call Lloyd George to account for his 'brutal frankness' in Paris. He sidetracked criticism and aroused enthusiastic applause by calmly announcing that five submarines had been disposed of in one day.

This incident recalls the dramatic method by which Scipio Africanus Maior averted drastic action (Gellius 4. 18. 3-5):

Cum M. Naevius tribunus plebis accusaret eum ad populum diceretque accepisse a rege Antiocho pecuniam, ut condicionibus gratiosis et mollibus pax cum eo populi Romani nomine fieret et quaedam item alia crimini daret indigna tali viro, tum Scipio pauca praefatus, quae dignitas vitae suae atque gloria postulabat "Memoria", inquit, "Quirites, repeto diem esse hodiernum, quo Hannibalem Poenum imperio vestro inimicissimum magno proelio vici in terra Africa pacemque et victoriam vobis peperi inspectabilem. Non igitur simus adversum deos ingrati et, censeo, relinquamus nebulonem hunc, eamus hinc protinus Iovi Optimo Maximo gratulatum". Id cum dixisset, avertit et ire ad Capitolium coepit. Tum contio universa, quae ad sententiam de Scipione ferendam convenerat, relicto tribuno in Capitolium comitata atque inde ad aedes eius cum laetitia et gratulatione sollemni prosecuta est.

During the present war a picturesque soldiers' vocabulary has grown up. A contemporary Rip Van Winkle just waking up would be sorely troubled by such terms as tin fishes, pill-boxes, power-eggs, tanks, Minnies (<Minenwerfer), Jack Johnsons, Fat Berthas, Tante von Essen, Boches, Fritzes, Poilus, Sammies, Tommies, Blighty, No Man's Land, over the top, carry on, to say nothing of such anomalies as 'Wipers'.

The French sense of humor is well exemplified by a clipping from Collier's Weekly (November 24, 1917):

A large number of these words emanate from the domestic life of the people. Thus the bayonet is to the poilu, if not "Rosalie", then the "knitting needle" (l'aiguille à tricoter); the machine gun is "the sewing machine" (la machine à coudre) or "the coffee mill" (le moulin à café). When the machine gun is at its deadly work the image shifts to the garden hose, for it "sprays" the enemy. The bore who talks you to death between attacks "beards" you (the verb is barber; the offender is a barbeur). What the British and Canadians call bully beef is to the Frenchman his "monkey meat". Jacques Bonhomme delicately speaks of his stomach, not as "Little Mary", à la J. M. Barrie, but as "the buffet". The French academician calls the cockroach a cafard (if he has to call him anything at all); the nonacademic soldier makes the same word serve for the blues (avoir le cafard). American slang finds an

echo in the use of the word "chocolates" to designate the French colonials from Africa. In France a big soup kettle is called a marmite, and the use of that same word for big shells is picturesque, but hardly novel, since the artillerymen of Louis XIV and Louis XV classified bombs, according to their shape, as marmites and melons".

The sermo castrensis of the Romans was just as rich in words drafted into military service from the daily walks of life (Gellius 10.9):

Vocabula sunt militaria, quibus instructa certo modo acies appellari. solet: frons, subsidia, cuneus, orbis, globus, forfices, serra, alae, turres+. Haec et quaedam item alia invenire est in libris eorum, qui de militari disciplina scripserunt. Tralata autem sunt ab ipsis rebus, quae ita proprie nominantur, earumque rerum in acie instruenda sui cuiusque vocabuli imagines ostenduntur.

We learn from Caesar, B. G. 7. 73, that the soldiers dubbed cippi a type of defense described more elegantly by their commander as stipites demissi et ab infimo revincti; the teretes stipites became lilia; and the taleae were stimuli. These were words familiar in other senses to the legionaries who had been country boys in Italy. Caesar is careful to disclaim responsibility for employing these designations.

The Roman soldiers, seeing elephants for the first time in southern Italy during the Pyrrhic War, christened them boves Lucae (Pliny, N. H. 8.16; Varro, L. L. 7. 39). The expression was so picturesque that it was admitted into good standing by the poets3.

An illustration of grim humor is seen in haurire aliquem, an expression which was used cum a latere quis aliquem adortus gladio occidit (Servius, on Aeneid 10. 314). Colligere campum is vivid slang for de caesis hostibus spolia capere (Vegetius 3. 25). Vasa colligere and vasa conclamare, practically equalling castra movere, are clearly soldiers' phrases, but they do not have a slang connotation. In the preface to his Natural History Pliny tells us that conterraneus, 'fellowcountryman', is a castrense verbum.

We know from Servius (on Aeneid 9. 503) that the soldiers were fond of coining terms for weapons from animal names. The animal kingdom is represented in the soldiers' vocabulary by such words as aries, aspis, capreoli, caput porci, cervi, chelonium, corax, corvus, cuniculus, equuleus, equus, ericius, lupus, muli Mariani, murex, murmillo, musculus, onager, porculus, scorpio, sucula, testudo, tigris.

One of the elements of Hadrian's popularity with the soldiers was his ability to call them by their camp nicknames (Fronto, 205 Naber): Multos militum imperator suo quemque nomine proprio atque castrensi cognomine et ioculari appellabat. One will recall in this connection that the successor of Tiberius never outlived the sobriquet, Caligula, which he acquired as a youngster in camp. As Emperor, he winced under

"Compare Festus 344 M., s. v. serra: Vegetius 3.19. "See Naevius apud Varronem, 1. c.; Lucretius 5.1302, 1309; Seneca, Phaedra 352; Silius Italicus 9.573; Ausonius, Epp. 5.12.

the epithet, but it was certainly preferable to the assault on Tiberius's character, Biberius Caldius Mero, which went the rounds of the camp jokesmiths (Suetonius, Tiberius 42). 'Papa', as applied to Joffre, reminds us that Quintus Fabius Maximus was fondly called pater (Livy 32. 30).

As stated before, these columns have called attention to many points of similarity between ancient and modern practice in war. No one has, however, noted any contrasts. When Camillus was besieging Falerii, a schoolmaster undertook to gain the favor of the Romans (Plutarch, Camillus 10, Perrin's translation):

This teacher, then, wishing to betray Falerii by means of its boys, led them out every day beyond the city walls, at first only a little way, and then brought them back inside when they had taken their exercise. Presently he led them, little by little, farther and farther out, accustomed them to feel confident that there was no danger at all, and finally pushed in among the Roman outposts with his whole company, handed them over to the enemy, and demanded to be led to Camillus. So led, and in that presence, he said he was a boys' schoolteacher, but chose rather to win the general's favour than to fulfil the duties of his office, and so had come bringing to him the city in the persons of its boys. It seemed to Camillus, on hearing him, that the man had done a monstrous deed, and turning to the bystanders he said: 'War is indeed a grievous thing, and is waged with much injustice and violence; but even war has certain laws which good and brave men will respect, and we must not so holly pursue victory as not to flee the favours of base and impious doers. The great general will wage war relying on his own native valour, not on the baseness of other men'. Then he ordered his attendants to tear the man's clothing from him, tie his arms behind his back, and put rods and scourges in the hands of the boys, that they might chastise the traitor and drive him back into the city.

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In School and Society 7.174-178 Professor Lodge reviews in very interesting way four books of importance to teachers of the Classics. Three of these have already been considered in THE CLASSICAL WEEKLY: The Value of the Classics (11.73-74), Miss Sabin's The Relation of Latin to Practical Life (7.49-50, 89), and a Handbook for Latin Clubs, by Miss Paxson (10.57-58). Of the value of the Princeton volume Professor Lodge speaks warmly, but he points out that to "the uneducated men" who organize our Schools "the testimony of great men is suspect and the fount of wisdom is the morass of ignorance". Professor Lodge emphasizes also the value of the statistics in this volume which prove that "In the high schools and academies reporting, classical students show a superiority over nonclassical students of 150 per cent. in the attainment of high honors at graduation", etc., and holds that such facts as these cannot be explained away; they testify to the value of the work in the Classics.

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The regular midwinter meeting of The New York Classical Club was held on February 9, in the new Students' Hall of Barnard College, with an unusually large attendance. Dr. Henry Van Dyke, who had been expected to speak upon The Undying Elements of Greek Poetry, was unable to be present, but Dr. William Pierson Merrill, the present Minister of the Brick Church, made an inspiring address upon the same theme, especially in its bearing upon the condition of the world to-day. 'What has Greek poetry to do with the war? That is the brusque and scornful question which thousands would thrust at us if they knew we were here, and why. 'Men are dying, nations are wasting, the very life of humanity is at stake, and you sit down at a luncheon to discuss the poetry of ancient Greece' ". But Dr. Merrill was ready with answers to his question. "The war reveals in its glaring hideousness the failure of an age that has lost faith in the humanities". Later he said: "Poetry, religion, art are the very essence of that for which we are fighting".

Dr. Walter Damrosch, the Conductor of the Symphony Orchestra, who composed the music for Miss Anglin's productions of the Electra and the Medea under the auspices of the Symphony Society, gave an illuminating and entertaining account of Music for the Greek Drama. After discussing some of the differences between ancient Greek music and that to which modern audiences are accustomed, and the reasons which determined him to interpret the Greek thought with music of the modern kind rather than by an anachronistic attempt to imitate the ancient style, he took his seat at the piano and described, in a manner both illuminating and delightful, his development of some of the particular musical themes in the accompaniment of the Greek plays.

Miss Anglin, at the last moment, was prevented from being present. Professor Whicher, in the name of the Club, presented the statuette of J. Q. A. Ward's Shakespeare, which had been intended for Miss Anglin, to Dr. Damrosch, and promised that another one would be sent to her.

Upon the recommendation of the Executive Committee, the four Trustees of the Scholarship FundsMr. Arthur S. Somers, Mr. William Sloane, Dr. John H. Finley, and Mr. Felix M. Warburg,, Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, a former Trustee, and Professor Gilbert Murray, Lord Aberdeen, Dean Andrew F. West, of Princeton, and Dr. Henry van Dyke were elected to honorary membership. Other intervals in the luncheon were enlivened by readings of poetry on Greek themes, by authors who were guests of the Club. Mrs. Corinne Roosevelt Robinson read a sonnet entitled Mount Balsam, and a lyric entitled Spring on the Mountains, and another short poem inspired by a phrase of her brother, Colonel Roosevelt, "Not Sacrifice, but Service"; Mrs. W. E. Marcus read The Belvedere Torso, by Mrs. Gertrude Huntington McGiffert, who was unable to be present; Mr. Louis V. Ledoux read his Hymn to Demeter; Miss Edwina Stanton Babcock read her poem entitled The Ship from Delos; and Dr. Robert Underwood Johnson, Secretary of the American Academy of Arts and Letters, read his Song of the Modern Greeks.

A. P. BALL, Censor.

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