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temporaneous almost with Vergil himself. On the other hand, we have additions made at a much later time, largely apocryphal in character. Some of this latter material is immensely interesting. Let me paraphrase one passage (given in Brummer, 21-22):

'After Vergil had devoted himself most energetically to Greek and Latin literature both, he gave himself up finally with complete devotion to medicine and to mathematics. Having gained knowledge of the first order in these departments, he went to Rome. There he won the iendship of the keeper of the stables of

Augustus, and cured the Emperor's horses of many diseases. By way of reward, Augustus ordered that a certain quantity of bread should be given day by day to Vergil, exactly as to the attendants in the stables. By and by the people of Crotona, in Southern Italy, sent as a present to Augustus a colt of wondrous beauty. Everyone else predicted that the colt would develop unexampled strength and speed. But Vergil, the moment he looked upon it, told the keeper of Augustus's stables that the mother of the colt had been diseased and that the colt would never have either strength or speed. When the keeper of Augustus's stables reported all this to Augustus, the Emperor gave orders that twice as much bread should be given daily to Vergil. When some dogs were sent from Spain as a gift to Augustus, Vergil described their parents exactly and foretold their future spirit and speed. Again Augustus ordered an increase in the amount of bread to be given to Vergil.

Now, Augustus was in doubt whether he was the son of his reputed father Octavius or of another. This doubt he thought Vergil could resolve, because Vergil had shown such accurate knowledge with respect to the colt and the dogs. Summoning Vergil to a private interview, he laid the matter before him. Vergil was loath to speak, lest he offend the Emperor. The Emperor assured him that he might speak in safety. So Vergil said at last: "In the case of all other animals it is easy enough, with the help of mathematics and philosophy, to determine the characteristics of their parents. But in the case of man, this cannot be done. In your case, however, I can make a plausible guess concerning the trade plied by your father" <that is, said Vergil, I can not tell you who your father was, but I can tell you what he was>. "Speak out", said Augustus. "Your father", said Vergil, "was a baker. This I infer because every time I have made to you a statement of facts which could be discovered only ab eruditissimis summisque viris, you, the princeps orbis, ordered bread to be given to me by way of reward. This was the act of a baker or of the son of a baker". "Hereafter", cried Augustus, "you will be rewarded not by a baker, but ab rege magnanimo".

Caesar liked Vergil's pleasantry, came to esteem him highly, and commended him to Pollio'.

Such a story as this is but a small part of a great boʻly of apocryphal material which in the course of ages grew up about Vergil. Here is a fascinating theme of study for the teacher of Vergil. Such study will help him gain a juster idea of the immense part which Vergil has played in the history of the intellectual life of mankind. This material has been gathered together exhaustively in certain books, e. g. one by Domenico Comparetti, Vergil in the Middle Ages (translated by E. F. M. Benecke: New York, Macmillan Company, 1895); and J. F. Tunison, Master Vergil: the Author of the

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si quando Romae, quo rarissime commeabat, viseretur in publico, sectantes demonstrantesque se subterfugeret in pro.imum tectum. This means that, on his rare visits to Rome, persons, seeing him in the streets, thronged about him and pointed him out to one another; by this Vergil was so deeply embarrassed that he fled to the nearest house. To me this brief statement is full of interest for the light it throws on Vergil's nature, and particularly because, viewing the passage in this light, I connect it with a problem that I have more than once set for graduate students in a Classical Proseminar: How did the Aeneid begin? Now, we learn in the Suetonian Life of Vergil, as well as in the Commentary written by the Roman scholar Servius, in the fourth century A.D., on the Aeneid, that in the manuscript of the Aeneid as Vergil left it at his death four verses appeared before the familiar Arma virumque cano, etc. These verses are as follows:

Ille ego, qui quondam gracili modulatus avena
carmen, et egressus silvis vicina coegi
ut quamvis avido parerent arva colono,
gratum opus agricolis; at nunc horrentia Martis

'He am I who in other days tuned my song on a slender reed, and then, leaving the woods, constrained the tilled lands near-by to obey the husbandman, however grasping, a work that pleased the farmers; but now of Mars' bristling.

Suetonius and Servius tell us that after Vergil's death these verses were removed, with permission of Augustus, by Vergil's literary executors, Lucius Varius Rufus and Plotius Tucca. To determine whether Vergil wrote these four verses is a pretty problem, in the solution of which we consider external and internal evidence both, we examine passages in many post-Vergilian Latin authors and we look at inscriptions for references to the Aeneid, and, besides, ponder questions of psychology and aesthetics. If we conclude that Vergil wrote the four verses, we must ask, Who had the better taste, Vergil or his literary executors? Again, what of the psychology of the matter? Is it natural that a man who dodged into the nearest doorway to escape the approving notice of passersby should sound the personal

"Horace, on the contrary, enjoyed his fame. In Carmina 4.3, addressing the Muse Melpomene, he says (21-23): totum muneris hoc tui est, quod monstror digito praetereuntium Romanae fidicen lyrae, 'It is wholly of thy grace that I am pointed out by the finger of the passers by as the minstrel of the Roman lyre'. It will be remembered that, in Carmina 3.30, Horace, imitating Ennius, gives expression to his literary self-consciousness. Demosthenes, the famous Greek orator, was, we know, highly elated when he heard a poor woman say of him in the street, 'That's he'. The satirist Persius, however (1.28), makes fun of a man who thinks it a fine thing digito monstrari et dicier "Hic est", 'for men to point him out and say, "There he goes"". Compare also Juvenal 1.161.

note so strongly at the beginning of his greatest work? I leave it to the professional psychologist to answer this question in the abstract. Looking at the problem concretely, I notice several things. In the first place, if we assume that the poem commenced with Arma virumque cano instead of with Ille ego, etc., we see that even then the personal note is struck in the very first line. The poet sets forth as a personal effort the development of the great theme of his great work, as outlined in verses 1-7. It is not until verse 8 that he appeals to the Muse for help. All this is in sharpest contrast with the opening verses of the Iliad, the opening verses of the Odyssey, and even with the opening lines of Evangeline, in which the poet declares that the song he is to sing is the song he heard from the murmuring pines and the hemlocks.

Compare next Eclogues 5.85-87. There one of the singers makes a present to another in the following words:

Hac te nos fragili donabimus ante cicuta.
Haec nos "Formosum Corydon ardebat Alexim",
haec eadem docuit "Cuium pecus? An Meliboei?".

This

'This frail reed <=pipe> I will give you first. pipe taught me, "For the lovely Alexis Corydon was aflame", this same pipe taught me, "Whose flock? Meliboeus's?".

Here we have two references by Vergil himself to earlier writings of Vergil, Eclogue 2 and Eclogue 3. Lastly, let us note the closing lines of the Georgics, 4.559-566:

Haec super arvorum cultu pecorumque canebam
et super arboribus, Caesar dum magnus ad altum
fulminat Euphraten bello victorque volentis
per populos dat iura viamque adfectat Olympo.
Illo Vergilium me tempore dulcis alebat
Parthenope, studiis florentem ignobilis oti,
carmina qui lusi pastorum audaxque iuventa,
Tityre, te patulae cecini sub tegmine fagi7.

'This I sang of the tillage of the fields, of the care of cattle, and of trees, while Caesar the great thundered in war by the deep Euphrates, and gave a victor's laws to willing nations, and sought to fashion a highway for himself to heaven. In those days I, Vergil, was nurtured by sweet Parthenope, and found joy in the ways of inglorious ease, I dallied with the songs of shepherds, and, with the daring of youth, sang of you, Tityrus, 'neath the covert of the wide-spreading beech-tree'.

(c) Let us come back now to our first point-the study of Vergil in and through his own writings. One most excellent way to do this is to read Vergil aloud. As has been well said, the ancients read with their ears and not with their eyes. Works were very frequently read to them: compare e. g. Nepos, Life of Atticus 13.3; Pliny, Epistles 3.5.12. Authors, too, dictated their works to amanuenses.

The theory of the dactylic hexameter is easy enough to understand. It is set forth in detail in Latin Grammars and in more detail in every annotated edition of the Aeneid. To read the hexameter aloud, metrically, is likewise no great task, at least for one who has an ear

"Here we have a reference to Eclogue 1.

for rhythm and music. All that is necessary is practice. It might be worth while for every teacher to mark out for himself the scansion of a book or two of the Aeneid, and, as he does this, to make a collection of verses in which elision is either wholly wanting or is not markedly present. Such verses are easy to read. The teacher could then read aloud again and again these verses by way of practice; indeed, he might well commit some of them to memory. In this connection I beg to suggest that it is worth while to read Lucan's Pharsalia aloud, in large quantities, because elision is relatively infrequent in Lucan's verses. Again, every teacher of Vergil should not only read aloud Vergil himself in vast quantities, but he should read aloud specimens of all the dactylic hexameters in Latin in their chronological sequence-namely, verses of Ennius, Lucretius, Catullus, Vergil's Eclogues, Horace's Satires, Vergil's Georgics, Vergil's Aeneid, Horace's Epistles, Ovid, Lucan, etc. If he does this, he will understand better than in any other way certain things. He will understand, first, that Vergil is as supreme in the field of Latin verse as Cicero is in the field of Latin prose. In the second place, he will understand why, after all, the world rates Lucretius, that marvelous Roman poetscientist, below Vergil. There are single passages in Lucretius that for sheer beauty and imaginative power are equal to anything in Vergil, if not superior to anything in Vergil. Yet, after all, in the sphere of form Lucretius commonly falls far short of the heights reached by Vergil. Since the critic (of poetry, especially) cannot separate form from contents, the world is right in rating Vergil above Lucretiuss.

The reading aloud of Vergil helps markedly to an understanding of various other things a knowledge of which is essential to the right teaching of Vergil. I am thinking now of the use of meter as an aid to rhetoric, to securing the desired logical effect, or, in other words, of the use of meter as a means of bringing out the meaning. For example, let us read aloud part of Juno's impassioned speech at the beginning of Aeneid 1, especially the following verses (1.39-48):

Pallasne exurere classem
Argivum atque ipsos potuit submergere ponto
unius ob noxam et furias Aiacis Oilei?
Ipsa Iovis rapidum iaculata e nubibus ignem
disiecitque rates evertitque aequora ventis,
illum exspirantem transfixo pectore flammas
turbine corripuit scopuloque infixit acuto;
ast ego, quae divum incedo regina Iovisque
et soror et coniunx, una cum gente tot annos
bella gero.

In reading these verses we shall be struck by the fact that in 47 the small word et twice carries the metrical accent, the ictus. Now, it has been said that Vergil erred in putting the metrical weight "on so small and so insignificant a word". Over against this is, however,

Certain details ought to be considered here, as necessary to a full statement of this subject. I do not go into them, however, because I discussed them in THE CLASSICAL WEEKLY 10.81-82, 89-90, 97-98.

the antecedent probability that Vergil knew his business as a writer of Latin verses. Secondly, it takes no very careful examination of 47 to discover that, in putting the double metrical emphasis on et, Vergil was in fact logically and rhetorically doing the right thing. When Juno contrasted her own impotency to punish the Trojans with the swift and complete vengeance that Athena had exacted of a whole company of Greeks, because of the sin and mad folly of a single man, it was precisely the duality of her relation to Jupiter that constituted the bitterest drop in her bitter cup. Athena was only a daughter of Jupiter, Juno was Jupiter's 'both sister and wife'; Athena had speedy and complete vengeance, whereas Juno was waging war fruitlessly for so many years with a single people.

Conversely, by reading aloud, one discovers that many words which are rhetorically and logically important carry no metrical emphasis. One or two examples must suffice. In Aeneid 1.77-78 tuus and mihi are the words that, in prose at least, we should stress most of all, since they are the most important logically and rhetorically; yet neither carries metrical weight. We may make the same statement about illi and mihi in Aeneid 1.138-139.

Reading aloud is most instructive in another connection, in the light it throws on the metrical treatment of repeated words. If we would gain the full effect of such a passage as Aeneid 2.116-119

Sanguine placastis ventos et virgine caesa,
cum primum Iliacas, Danai, venistis ad oras:
sanguine quaerendi reditus animaque litandum
Argolica,

we must reinforce eye by ear.
Aeneid 1.421-422 (note mirátur

1.222 (note fortém

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The same is true of

mirátur), of

fortém), of 3.435-438 (note Iúnoní),

Iúnonís

vidi). As one reads

Iamque rubescebat stellis Aurora fugatis,
cum procul obscuros collis humilemque videmus
Italiam. Italiam primus conclamat Achates,
Italiam laeto socii clamore salutant,

he can hear ringing through all the centuries the glorious
happy cry of the Trojans as they caught sight at last,
after their weary wanderings, of the promised land,
Italia
Italia
Italia, and one recalls
instantly the equally glorious, happy cry of the ten
thousand Greeks, 'The sea! The sea!', when at last they
had fought and marched their way through the moun-
tains till they saw once more the beloved sea.

(To be concluded)

REVIEW

С. К.

Latin Plays. For Student Performances and Reading. By John J. Schlicher. Boston: Ginn and Company (1916). Pp. vii + 213. 75 cts. Like Cothurnulus and Decem Fabulae, Mr. Schlicher's volume, Latin Plays, provides unassuming dramatic

entertainment for the edification of students of preparatory Latin. Whether these plays are read in the classroom or acted in the assembly hall, the object is twofold-to make Latin a 'living' language and to interest boys and girls of to-day in the life of the ancient Romans. The plays are seven in number. The first, Saccus Malorum, The Sack of Apples, is especially adapted to the second half of the first year of Latin; Tirones, The Recruits, and Exitus Helvetiorum, The Departure of the Helvetians, are intended for readers of Caesar; Cicero Candidatus, When Cicero was Candidate, and Coniuratio, The Conspiracy, deal, of course, with events in Cicero's life; Dido, based upon the first book of the Aeneid, and Andromeda, of Ovidian origin, are to be assigned to the fourth year classes.

All the plays are of about the same length, i. e. from twenty to twenty-five pages. The time required for acting would be about thirty or forty minutes, a most convenient length: two or three of these pocketdramas, with perhaps brief musical interludes, could easily be given together; it might even be possible to combine in a single program four plays, one performed by each of the four classes, provided the scenic decorations were simple and the 'tempo' of the acting not allowed to drag.

The plots are, naturally enough, neither greatly complicated nor strikingly original. The necessity of keeping the language exceedingly simple and the desirability of correlating the subject-matter with the regular class work has precluded such ideals. Perhaps the two plays on Cicero are the most successful; those on Caesar seem the least happy. The Andromeda is the most melodramatic; the Exitus Helvetiorum and Cicero Candidatus the least so, since they are devoted, in large measure, to the portrayal of different classes of the common people-soldiers, Helvetian women, shepherds, reapers, house-slaves, and the like. Some pains have evidently been taken to depict individual characters, but the limitations imposed by language, shortness of time, and the youth of the actors permit only conventional outlinings. The action, though far from subtle, is often vigorous and vivid; the 'curtains' are almost always excellently devised. Wisely Mr. Schlicher has made the effort to show by his stage directions just what effects he desires, and just how to obtain them. For example, here is one bit of action from the Saccus Malorum (page 10):

The boys start away with their poles, etc., one carrying the sack on his shoulder, and each of them eating an apple. Tranio stands in the door for a while and looks after them. Then he counts his money over again. Finally, in a pleased tone, he speaks to himself.

In fact, the stage directions throughout are admirable and a veritable god-send to any teacher-coach who may not be naturally endowed with histrionic instincts. In his endeavor, however, to be realistic, Mr. Schlicher, in these directions, once in a while becomes unnecessarily colloquial: a Helvetian woman is "tidying up" her house (57); a magistrate "flares up" (65); a soldier "pours things" into a kettle (73); Cicero's mother "rearranges things" in her cupboard (86); the Trojan women "look after" the grain (136); Iarbas goes around "examining things" (136).

The Dramatis Personae at the beginning of each play could be made more intelligible and attractive by the use of personal names in the place of numbers (e. g. Pueri I, II, III and Puellae I, II, III, IV), and by relegating to an appendix the list of scenes in which the characters appear. In order to enable a large number of students to take part, the casts are large; consequently no great burden is laid upon any one actor.

As to the Latinity of Mr. Schlicher's plays, at the first glance the reader has an uneasy feeling that these short, simple sentences, translating themselves most obviously into every-day English, can hardly be couched in classical Latin. On testing the dubious phrases, however, one finds the task of definitely proving their illegitimacy a rather difficult one. There are, nevertheless, three pitfalls into which the author has occasionally stumbled: violation of the laws of syntax, error in the choice of words, obscurity in the expression of ideas.

As undoubted grammatical lapses may be noted the active form piscate (4) from the deponent piscor; quisque ex vobis (22) for the regular quisque vestrum; peius (57), the adverb, instead of the adjective peiora; dum non (67) in a proviso; advenire (152) for advenisse or adesse; the imperfect subjunctive daret (165) for the present subjunctive. The indefinites are not properly differentiated: in est saccus quem nos ab homine aliquo emimus (18), aliquo should be quodam; in audivistisne homines ullo alio loco (119), ullo is unnecessary, and seems not even justifiable, because the question does not certainly imply a negative answer; again, on page 25, umquam of vidistine eum umquam in horto should be aliquando, for the same reason. The condition on page 33, non esset mirandum, si nemo veniret, appears to mean 'it would not be strange if no one should come'. Again, on page 8, if this is so, the verbs should be in the present subjunctive; non eris tam facetus, si scies quid tibi sit utile is not incorrect, but it would seem that the more natural expression would be in the form of a condition contrary to fact, in present time.

Less reprehensible are the following deviations from the more usual constructions: cupidus (65) with the infinitive, which is rare and poetic; consistamus (67), where the future perfect would be better; est quidem bona specie (91) without an enlightening substantive; the placing of igitur at the beginning of a sentence (30,

105, 131, 169); the use of et or atque in an enumeration between the last two words only: domum, agrum, capras et vaccam (59), si pater, si mater, si filius et filia (83), piget, pudet, paenitet, taedet atque miseret (113). The indirect question introduced by ut follows video twice; nonne vides ut puellae te exspectent (58) and nonne vidistis utiti sederit (112). To avoid confusing the young student the accusative and the infinitive

should be used here; the slight change in the meaning is of no significance.

In the second place, Mr. Schlicher does not always use words in their proper meanings. Iam, of which he is extremely fond, constantly usurps the function of nunc, e. g. ubi ancilla iam sit nescio (13); habuimus mala, iam non habemus (21); eram Helvetius, iam non sum (71); iam, matercula mea, dic (86); iam et agendum (171). Dico sometimes appears where we expect to find loquor: nos de hac re dicere possumus (33); dicisne de isto Quinto (53); dicere de itinere (62); dicitisne de proficiscendo (67).

In nemo cognovit te domi esse (18), and si mecum fuisses, cognovisses quam magnis itineribus Caesar contenderet (40), doubtless scio is preferable to cognosco. Aut should be vel in num vobis hodie aut cras proficiscendum est (38), 'you don't have to start to-day or to-morrow, do you', because hodie and cras are together opposed to some more distant time. On page 3, for sequi of adfirmo tibi me celerius leporem sequi quam tu piscem capere posse, in order to make sense, we must substitute consequi. Manere occurs on page 58 in the sense of 'wait for', Nolite diutius me manere. This use is found in Plautus and Terence but not in Caesar and Cicero. Desidero (58) really expresses a longing for something not possessed; impetro (41) usually means to obtain by words rather than by deeds; declaro (132) does not mean 'interpret', 'explain'. Ioculor (87), (115) is exceedingly rare; why not iocor? Iugulatores (119) is both very late and very rare. Tertulla, the name of one of the heroines in the Tirones, seems coined by the author.

Finally, there are a few passages in which the thought is either itself obscure or else is obscurely expressed. On page 4, what is meant by lapidem conicere in agrum? Satis celeriter currere (16) seems hardly so funny as the humorous father intended. One of the Helvetian women speaks (59) of the decision relinquere domum, agrum, capras et vaccam, quae per omnes hos annos lac et caseum praebuerunt. Her neighbor acquiesces, saying est durum: sed durius mihi videtur capras non habere et sine lacte vivere, sicut nobis vivendum est. How is it harder not to have the goats and the milk than to leave them behind? Is the first neighbor wealthy at present and the second poor? On this same page, tam bonas capras, tam pulchram vaccam, quae semper sub eodem tecto habitabant evidently requires ac nos to complete the meaning. On page 89 we find this perfectly safe statement, nihil est in orbe terrarum quod homines non

faciant, si amant; but in this case, what the senex desires is merely to marry his youthful sweetheart!

The Notes and the Vocabulary are adequate; the music for the songs lacks distinction.

Since the principal aim of plays in Latin is to vivify this ancient language, it has been deemed necessary to examine the words and phrases of Mr. Schlicher's book with considerable care. The above criticisms of certain petty details should not, however, lead the readers of

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THE NEW YORK LATIN CLUB

The seventeenth annual (fifty-first regular) meeting of The New York Latin Club was held Saturday, April 21, at Hunter College. Mr. Henry Osborn Taylor spoke on Mediaeval Latin. He pointed out that the Latin Classics in the Middle Ages were employed to yield all kinds of instruction, especially as a source of grammar and grammatical studies. Instruction in the Seven Liberal Arts was given in Latin; therefore it was necessary to study Latin at an early age. Hugo of St. Victor thought it a pity to go beyond the use of Latin in the Artes. Bernard of Chartres and others, however, studied Latin intelligently and broadly and advised generous reading of the Classics. The School of Chartres believed in reading the Classics for themselves and typified the humane use to which the Classics were put -for the enlargement of the student's own nature, for knowledge of life, for development of humanity.

The Latin of the Middle Ages was influenced by the patristic writings, in which the order of the words was more important than case-endings, and by the vernacular tongues.

In Mediaeval Latin poetry, an endeavor was made at first to retain quantity and to preserve the ancient measures; then word-accent and rhyme gradually took the place of meter within the old verse-forms; and, finally, the accentual rhyming hymn sprang from the chanted prose which had superseded the chanting of the final a of the Alleluia (see Mr. Taylor's book, The Mediaeval Mind, Book II, Chapter XXXIII).

Officers for 1917-1918 were elected as follows: President, Anna P. MacVay, Wadleigh High School; Vice-President, Frank Gardner Moore, Columbia University; Secretary, Ina Genung, Eastern District High School; Treasurer, W. F. Tibbetts, Curtis High School; Censor, Allan P. Ball, College of the City of New York.

A Committee consisting of John Jay Chapman, Nelson G. McCrea, and Josie A. Davis was appointed to cooperate with The Classical Association of New England, in preparing and publishing a rejoinder to Dr. Flexner's attack on the Classics.

Professor Knapp presented resolutions expressing appreciation of the services rendered to the Club by Professor Whicher, as President, 1915-1917. These were enthusiastically adopted.

JANE GRAY Carter, Censor.

THE NEW YORK LATIN CLUB

In December, 1916, The New York Latin Club voted to appoint a Committee to draft and send out a questionnaire to gather the sentiment of its members concerning a revision of the New York State Syllabus of Secondary School Latin. The purpose was to assist the Committee now at work on such a revision. The questionnaire was mailed to the 350 members of the Club and to about 100 upstate High Schools and Academies. Of the 84 replies some were incomplete and others could not be tabulated on certain questions owing to contradictory statements in the answers. However, the following inferences seem clear.

(1) Required Reading. -Two-thirds of the teachers are dissatisfied with the amount of text read during the

first two years. There seems to be a strong sentiment among those asking for a change both to reduce the amount and to change the text. In general, the vote favors the omission of the longer and more involved passages of indirect discourse in the first book of the De Bello Gallico and a substitution of selected passages from Books V-VII, the De Bello Civili, or Nepos.

In connection with Third Year Latin, although a majority seem satisfied with the amount of text studied at present, there is again a strong vote for reduction of the amount. Thirty-five would either omit or substitute other texts for one of the Catilinarian Orations. Selected Letters of Cicero received more votes than all the other substitutes combined.

In regard to Fourth Year Latin the vote is less convincing. While about one-third of the voters would decrease the amount read by the omission of Book V or Book VI, there is a majority vote for the present requirement.

(2) Vocabulary. There is a decided demand for a word list. Many who vote No state that, while they would not like a prescribed vocabulary, they believe that lists would be very useful, particularly if issued in such a form that they could be placed in pupils' hands for study. Several suggest that the vocabulary of the composition work should be confined to the word lists.

(3) Syntax. A list of topics of syntax by years is strongly favored not only to show where to put the emphasis in each year of the composition work, but also to show what syntax should be emphasized each year in connection with the reading.

(4) Sight Translation. There is almost no sentiment for setting only prepared passages for translation on Regents' Examinations. A decided majority vote for both prepared and sight passages. However, about one fourth of the voters would have sight passages only. The argument was frequently made that this plan would effectively abolish the evil of the 'pony'. The present percentage allowance for sight translation on Regents' Examinations is sustained.

(5) Composition. -Not one vote was recorded against the proposition of inch including composition on the Regents' Examinations in the second and third years. The percentage allowed to composition at present seems to meet with approval, but about one-fourth of the voters would omit composition from Fourth Year work. The proposition that the time spent on composition in the fourth year be used for memorizing selected passages of the Aeneid was voted down, but many voting against it endorsed the suggestion of such work, not as a substitute for composition, but as an addition to it.

(6) The Text to be read. In regard to the text to be read, the vote resulted in favor of partly prescribed and partly selective text, but, for the second year, sentiment is so evenly divided that it offers nothing positive. There is a stronger vote for prescription in the second year than in the third or the fourth year.

(7) Derivation work. Derivation work throughout the course is strongly favored.

On the whole, the answers disclose no desire for radical changes, but rather show the need of greater definiteness of requirements and of statement concerning what aspects of the study of Latin in Secondary Schools should receive greater emphasis.

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