and for which as he expresses it, he "expected to be pelted." Upwards of a year elapsed before Luther produced his reply in a treatise, de Servo Arbitrio, "on the Bondage of the Will." His antagonist re-appeared in the field of strife, in a book in two parts, entitled Hyperaspistes. "Did you ever read," says Melancthon, "a more bitter publication than this of Erasmus? He calls it Hyperaspistes, but it is absolutely aspis, that is, a wasp." During this contention, Erasmus wrote some long and artful letters to Melancthon. He assures him that he felt impelled by the peculiarity of his circumstances and situation to write against Lutherthat if Wittemberg had not been so distant, he should gladly have sought an interview, and should have been happy in a visit from Melancthon-that he had read his "Loci Communes," and admired more than ever his candid and happy genius-that he had given the most moderate counsel to popes and princes, but that the Reformers used him very ill in giving him the nick-name of Balaam, who was hired to curse Israel-that Cardinal Campeggio had sent one of his agents to discuss with him the propriety of removing Melancthon from his present situation. "My answer," says he, "was that I sincerely wished such a genius as yours to be perfectly free from all these contentions, but that I despaired of your recantation. I open this secret to you in the entire confidence that you will be candid enough not to divulge it among the wicked ones!" In a subsequent letter written with much irritation of mind, obviously because Melancthon was not to be taken in the snare he had laid for his religious integrity, he professes that he did not bestow much pains to persuade him to forsake the Reformers as he foresaw it would be useless, but he wished he had devoted his genius solely to literature, for there were plenty of actors in the religious tragedy!

giving his advice in the management of ecclesiastical affairs. So indefatigable was Melancthon in his attention to the interests of religion and literature! He was appointed to deliver an oration at the public opening of this academy, which is preserved in the volumes, containing his select declamations.

The following passages are extracted from it:"Consider the manners and general course of life for which those nations are distinguished, which are totally unacquainted with letters, as the Scythians. Having no cities under the regulation of wholesome laws and no courts of justice, those who prevail by force or faction dictate the law; commercial intercourse with neighboring states is precluded; there can be no interchange of property; public robbery is the only means of escaping from the miseries of famine; every supply must depend upon the flesh or fowl accidentally procured, and not only is there no discipline at home, but even those domestic affections which are implanted in the human bosom, conjugal fidelity, parental tenderness, the attachments of consanguinity and friendship, become utterly extinguished by excessive barbarism. The science of education, the foundation of future excellence is unknown, virtue is disregarded, no sense of propriety prevails none of the assiduities of friendship, none of the charities of life; nor, finally, the least correctness of sentiment respecting the will of God to man and religion in general. Such is the cyclopic nature of savage life, only with somewhat different shades and degrees of barbarism; and to this state these nations must always tend unless by imparting knowledge to them, they become excited and formed to virtue, humanity and piety. You therefore have acted wisely and nobly by introducing learning into your city and studying to give it a permanent esta-` blishment, from a conviction that it will be your, best defence. In this tempestuous age, your zeal merits peculiar applause, because amidst the general storm that agitates the empire, literature seems in danger of being wrecked."

Who does not perceive the insinuating purpose of Erasmus? Vexed at heart that the Lutheran cause should be strengthened by the literary authority, unquestionable moderation and superior talents of Melancthon, he employed every means to separate him from it. Yet with his characteristic du- After this he proceeds to complain bitterly of the plicity, he disclaims the real motives which all his priesthood for their negligence of learning, and deletters betray. Let us hear the noble language of clares that their fraternity have shown themselves Melancthon. "For my part, I cannot with a safe the greatest enemies of the liberal arts, so that the conscience condemn the sentiments of Luther, how- institution at Nuremberg is peculiarly well-timed. ever I may be charged with folly or superstition- " And," says he, "do not be loth to add this to the that does not weigh with me. But I would oppose other ornaments of your city which is already so them strenuously if THE SCRIPTURES were on the other distinguished for its wealth, its edifices, and the inside; most certainly I shall never change my senti-genuity of its artificers, as to bear a comparison ments from a regard to HUMAN AUTHORITY, or from the DREAD OF DISGRACE." These are the words of the wavering and the timid Melancthon!

In the autumn of the year 1525, by the Elector's permission, and at the express solicitation of the senate of Nuremberg, he repaired thither to assist in forming a plan for the establishment of a public seminary. When he first received the application, he writes thus to his particular friend the senior Senator. "It afforded me great pleasure to hear from you, that your citizens were so anxiously disposed to erect a public literary institution; for nothing can be a nobler ornament, or a surer defence to a city than such an establishment properly formed. And I consider you, my friend, as meriting no small praise, for stimulating your fellow citizens to the maintenance and cultivation of letters. I promise you most readily all the assistance in my power, although I am not so ignorant of myself as not to perceive that I am incapable of fulfilling your wishes and your too partial opinion of me.' This journey, in which he was accompanied by Camerarius, was of a preparatory nature; in the ensuing year he visited Nuremberg, for the purpose of establishing the academical institution, and of

with the most celebrated cities of antiquity. There is not a place in Germany more remarkable for well informed citizens, who having added the establishment of the liberal sciences to their excellent civil polity, will be long regarded as pre-eminent in rank above all the cities of the empire; for it is impossible to express what an accession of honor to that already acquired, will result from the erection of this institution of useful learning.

"If you proceed to cultivate these studies, you will not only be illustrious in your own country, but renowned abroad. You will be regarded as the authors of your country's best defence, for 'no walls or bulwarks can prove more durable memorials of cities than the learning, wisdom, and virtues of its citizens. A Spartan said, that their walls ought to be constructed of iron and not of stone, but I am of opinion that wisdom, moderation and piety, form a better protection than arms or walls."

The orator then endeavors to inspirit and excite the citizens of Nuremberg to a noble emulation of Florence, which had been so distinguished for the encouragement of the exiled literati and the cultivation of Greek and Roman lore: at a time, too, when the Roman Pontiff refused the great Theo

"The first question to be considered is, whether in preaching certain doctrines and omitting certain usages in opposition to the authority of the bishops and prelates we are guilty of schism; for though they cannot deny our doctrine they seek a pretext to condemn us from the alleged defect of authority from the ecclesiastics. They argue, 1. That the John succeeds his brother Frederic in the Electorate-Changes-bishops possess authority in the church, and no one

other works of their own: and these things, though they are manifest blasphemies, it is notorious, have been taught in the Romish church, and substituted for the merits of Christ. The pope and the bishops neglect their duties, usurp authority over emperors and princes, and misapply the revenues of the church to tyrannical purposes; all this in the sacred name of Christ himself. Surely these are positive violations of the second commandment, and require the interference of our assemblies to rectify and

remove.

because they are compelled to it by the express command of Scripture."

The diet of Spires assembled in June. Several of the Lutheran divines were heard in explanation of their doctrines, and the deputies presented their memorial on the abolition of abuses. The result was favorable to the Reformation, a decree being obtained after much debate recognizing the necessity of a general council, appealing to the emperor for that purpose, and claiming on behalf of the German princes in the mean time the liberty of acting independently in religion till such an appointment.

"On these grounds it is incumbent on the pastors of churches, from the very nature of their calling, to preach the truth, especially when the bishops al- The Landgrave of Hesse, upon his return from lowing their authority, neglect to do it. In vain do the diet, devoted himself with his characteristic our ministers both by their voice and their pen remon- ardor to the great and good work of promoting the strate; the only consequence is, they subject them- reformation in his own dominions. He wrote letselves to persecution-but when placed in circum-ters to Melancthon soliciting his advice; who in stances similar to Christ and his apostles before Anna and Caiphas, they can adopt the declaration of the primitive disciples, 'We ought to obey God rather than men.'

"We deny that the pope and the clergy constitute the true church, though it is granted there exist some among them who are real members of that church, and who renounce the prevailing errors; for the true church consists of those and those only who have the word of God and are ‘sanctified and cleansed.'-Eph. v. 26. The Holy Spirit expressly warns us against mistaking the pope and his clergy for the CHURCH, for he has predicted by Paul that Antichrist would come as God sitting in the temple of God; that is, in the church. We are not departing from the church, therefore, in contending against the errors of Antichrist, which they themselves who adhere to the papal establishment acknowledge. Nor is it to the purpose to contend about the alteration in external ordinances, for the unity of the church does not consist in these things, and whoever affirms it does, ought to be opposed.

"With respect to disobedience and the late insurrections, our conduct has not occasioned them, but THE POPE AND THE BISHOPS THEMSELVES ARE THE CACSE by their persecutions and excommunications, and by demanding AN OBEDIENCE WHICH AMOUNTS TO NOTHING SHORT OF A RENUNCIATION OF THE WORD OF GOD.

"The pretence of charity to the weak and erring is altogether inapplicable, for our papistical adversaries who refuse all instruction and act only as persecutors and tyrants, are not to be classed amongst the persons of that description to whom Paul refers."

reply urged the Landgrave to proceed in a gradual and cautious manner, conniving for a time at certain_non-essentials, the sudden abolition of which might be prejudicial to the cause he was desirous of promoting. He laments the contentions which subsisted amongst the reformers themselves, frequently about trifles, which should by every means be avoided. The preachers of the gospel ought, he said, to inculcate not only the doctrines of faith, but the practices of piety, the fear of God, love to man, and obedience to magistrates. He besought his highness to abstain from every attempt to extend the reformation by military force; for the late occurrences of the rustic war would evince that they who delight in war should certainly be scattered.* "The Romish ecclesiastics instigate to war, why do not the rest exhort men to gain a knowledge of the subject, and to preserve peace? Your highness, I am convinced might do a great deal with the princes, if you would exhort them to take pains to understand the points in dispute, and endeavor to terminate these contentions."

During the two years of peace to the reformed churches which succeeded the diet of Spires, the Elector of Saxony employed himself in the very important work of regulating ecclesiastical affairs. Preparatory to a general visitation by persons suitably authorized and accomplished for the undertaking, Melancthon composed a directory for the use of the churches, which was published under the immediate sanction of the Elector. It is divided into eighteen sections, comprehending the doctrine of forgiveness and justification by faith in Christ-the law-prayer-the endurance of tribulation-baptism-the Lord's supper-repentanceconfession-the atonement-public worship-marHe confirms his statements by an appeal at large to the precepts of Christ and to examples in the his- riage-freedom of the will-Christian liberty-the tory of the Jewish and Christian churches, and Turkish war-the mode of preaching-excommuconcludes by affirming that the doctrine of justifi-nication-the office of superintendents or bishops cation by faith without works ought to be maintained, though it expose us to persecution and every species of distress.

"The second question," says Melancthon, “is this, whether the princes have done right in authorizing the reformation of abuses in their colleges and monasteries?" The reply is, "it has been shown already that the princes have done right in receiving the doctrines of the gospel, it follows, therefore, that it is no less right to remove abuses which corrupt it. The question is whether the reformed doctrines are true or not; if true, the princes ought to protect them who are no more under an obligation to obey the persecution edicts of emperors and rulers than Jonathan was to kill David, or Obadiah to kill the prophets. Nor ought they to be stigmatized with the name of schismatics, because they do not separate from the church of Rome out of mere hostility and petulence of disposition, but Number 11.

public schools of literature. The arrangement of whole appears to have been written with the authese divisions might perhaps be criticised, but the thor's characteristic skill and perspicuity. A preface, at the Elector's request, was prefixed by Lu

ther.

This publication, called Libellus Visitatorius, involved some unpleasant consequences to Melancthon. The papists professed to discover in it a defection from many of the sentiments of Luther, and

*The impetuosity of this enterprising prince_could scarcely be restrained within proper limits. He was for the use of arms, but was checked by Melancthon, and by the Elector John, who acted with the advice of Luther. The latter declared, "If the Landgrave were determined to have recourse to arms, it would be better for the Elector to dissolve alliance with him; but if force were to be first used by their adversaries, they then had a right to repel it.”

hailed the imaginary difference with a prodigious | Melancthon replies, that terrors of conscience must but premature exultation. It cannot be doubted exist previous to justification, and these terrors that such a circumstance was eagerly desired, and seem to originate more in the fear of punishment it must be confessed would have been worthy their than the love of righteousness. Agricola answers, mutual congratulations. Luther despised the charge. that contrition arises from faith in the divine threat"Let our adversaries," says he, "glory in their lies, enings-but what, says Melancthon, is faith in the as they always do, for they take no pleasure in divine threatenings but the fear of them? Nothing, truth. Their glorying is a miserable one, and will he says, offends his opponent more, than that in the be of no long continuance; but let them solace second article it is ordered that the ten commandthemselves with their vain hopes and joys, as they ments be taught; because we are free from the often do, and let them swell and bluster, I am very law, and ought to study rather the writings of Paul; well pleased." At the same time Melancthon dis- to which it is answered, that Paul enforces the law, closes a secret in a letter to his confidential friend and Christ himself taught it and explained its obCamerarius. "I am applied to from Bohemia to ligatory nature. Agricola, laughably enough, obdesert the reformed cause, and promised any remu-jects that Christ only spoke to the Jews. This war neration from king Ferdinand. Indeed my defec-of words was sufficiently disagreeable to the amiation is publicly reported as a fact, because in the little book written for the reformed churches I have shown an increased degree of moderation, and yet you perceive I have really inserted nothing different from what Luther constantly maintains. But because I have employed no asperity of language, these very acute men judge that I necessarily differ from Luther." Cochlæus does not scruple to charge Melancthon with a crafty moderation, and Luther with a change of sentiment; but as Seckendorf observes, "Nothing better than such malignant insinuations was to be expected from him."

ble Melancthon, and he informs Jonas, that he had thrice solicited Agricola to bury what had passed in oblivion, and to renew their former friendship; but that he treated his overture with contemptuous silence. This disagreement, however, assumed so serious an aspect in the opinion of the Elector, that he immediately interposed; and summoning Melancthon, Agricola, and Luther to Torgau, stopped the further progress of the dispute for the present, by an amicable adjustment.

The commissioners appointed for the great purpose of inspecting the state of the reformed churches, But the tauntings and misrepresentations of were twenty-eight in number, consisting of laymen avowed adversaries were far less vexatious than and ecclesiastics. They were distributed into parthe conduct of a friend and fellow-laborer. In the ties according to the different provinces. Melanefirst article of the Libellus Visitatorius, the pas-thon, with five others, namely, John a Planitz, a tors of churches were admonished to instruct the knight, Jerome Schurff, Erasmus, (not of Rotterpeople in the nature of true repentance, and to be dam) Frederic Myconius, and Justus Menius, a careful not to separate repentance from the doc- clergyman of Eisenach, inspected Thuringia; Lutrine of faith, the former of which was stated to ther, Justus Jonas, Pomeranus, Spalatine, and other originate in the fear of divine judgments, and a persons of eminence, were appointed in the general just impression of the terrors of the law; lest the commission. All of them diligently labored to fix vulgar should imagine that the remission of sins suitable pastors in the respective parishes, to abolish was attainable without the exercise of a penitent ancient superstitions, to regulate the public seminaand contrite spirit. They were to press the con- ries; in a word to promote general good order and sciences of men on this subject, and urge to repent-religious improvement. ance, to prevent their placing dependance on any The second diet of Spires was convened in the personal merit, for salvation. John Agricola, chap-year 1529. A pleasant anecdote is related of the lain to Count Mansfield, and his attendant at the Landgrave of Hesse on this occasion. Faber, diet of Spires, loudly exclaimed against this advice, bishop of Vienna, intending to ridicule the reformaffirming that it was improper to make these state-ers, seeing the letters V. D. M. I. Æ. upon the sleeves ments and appeals to the common people, and that instead of attempting to work upon their fears, and terrify their consciences, they should be exhorted to faith in God as the commencement and essence of real religion. Instead of candidly representing his objections to Melancthon himself, he vociferated his complaints to the papists, and it seems highly probable, from his whole conduct, that his intentions were to purchase a great name by obtruding himself forward as the head of a new party. In this he succeeded, for he became founder of the sect of the Antinomians, and afterwards a preacher at the court of Berlin.

Melancthon fully expresses his sentiments on the subject in his letters, one of which addressed to Justus Jonas deserves to be noticed. He begins by expressing his wish that Agricola had shown a more friendly spirit, and that instead of circulating his censures throughout Germany, even in Leipsic, and in the very court of Duke George, he had first informed him privately of any thing which he conceived objectionable in his writing. He then alludes to certain transactions relative to this document and the visitation, in the presence of the Elector, Luther, Pomeranus, and others. Agricola referred to Luther as having stated that repentance originated in the love of righteousness; quoted the story of the heathen mariners in JONAH, and said that Christ commanded repentance to be preached in his name, and not in the name of Moses. To this

of some of the courtiers of the Landgrave, chose to interpret them "Verbum Dei Manet Im Ermel; The word of God remains in the sleeves." To which the Landgrave immediately replied, "No, this is not the meaning, but Verbum Diaboli Manet in Episcopis; The word of the devil remains in the bishops." The real signification of the letters however was, Verbum Dei Manet In Eternam; The word of God remains for ever.

A curious circumstance occurred at this convocation, which Melancthon relates in his commentary on the angelic appearance mentioned in the tenth chapter of Daniel, and which he affirms was but one out of many of a similar nature, which he could fully authenticate. Simon Grynæus, a very intimate friend of his, and at this period Greek professor in the University of Heidelberg, who combined profound erudition with zealous piety, came over unexpectedly to see him at Spires. He ventured to encounter Faber, and to urge him closely on some of the topics in discussion between the Catholics and the Reformers. The bishop, who was plausible, but shallow, fearful of engaging in argument, but cruelly ready to use the sword, pretended that private business with the king required his attention at that moment, but that he felt extremely desirous of the friendship of Grynæus, and of another opportunity of discussing the controverted points. No dissembler himself, Grynæus returned to his friends without the least suspicion of the

wily courtier's intentions; nor could any of them culty they largely participated, for on them it dehave known it, but for what Melancthon deemed a pended in a great measure to pilot the new-launchsupernatural interference. They were just sitting ed vessel through the tempestuous seas. Melancdown to supper, and Grynæus had related part of thon was sometimes entreated by his friends who the conversation between himself and the bishop, witnessed his extreme agitation, to suppress these when Melancthon was suddenly called out of the anxieties and dismiss trouble from his mind. To room to an old man whom he had never seen or which he would piously reply, "if I had no anxiheard of, or could afterwards discover, character-eties I should lose a powerful incentive to prayer; ized by a most observable peculiarity of manner but when the cares of life impel to devotion, the and dress, and who said, that persons by the king's best means of consolation, a religious mind cannot authority would soon arrive to seize Grynæus, and do without them. Thus trouble compels me to pray, put him in prison, Faber having influenced him to and prayer drives away trouble." this persecuting measure. He enjoined that instant means should be adopted to secure the departure of Grynæus to a place of safety, and urged that there should not be a moment's delay. Upon communicating this information he immediately withdrew. Melancthon and his friends instantly bestirred themselves, and saw him safe across the Rhine. It afterwards appeared that the king's messengers were in the house almost as soon as they had left | it, but Grynæus was out of the reach of danger; a danger, as Melancthon remarks, easily imagined by those who were acquainted with Faber's cruelty. He says they were all of opinion that this was a divine interposition, so singular was the appearance of the old man, and so rapid the movements of the instrument of vengeance, from whose power Grynæus scarcely escaped.

Availing himself of a favorable opportunity, he went from Spires to pay a short visit to his mother. In the course of conversation she mentioned to her son the manner in which she was accustomed to attend to her devotions, and the form she generally used, which was free from the prevailing superstitions. "But what," said she, "am I to believe amidst so many different opinions of the present day?”—“ Go on,” replied Melancthon, "believe and pray as you now do and have done before-and do not disturb yourself about the disputes and controversies of the times."

The sacramental controversy between the divines of Saxony and Switzerland, continued to rage with unabated violence, neither party being disposed to retract in the smallest degree. Oecolampadius strongly solicited Melancthon to declare Such is the narrative which the reader is put in in favor of Zuinglius and the Sacramentarians, to possession of without note or comment. Some will which he ingenuously replied, "that after due exathink it supernatural, others will exclaim, Credat mination he could not approve of their opinion, not Judæus Apella, and many, perhaps, will consider it, finding sufficient reason in the literal sense of the though remarkable, capable of explanation with-words-that if he were to act in a politic manner out allowing it to have been miraculous. The use he should speak otherwise, knowing there were Melancthon makes of the statement, must be ad- many learned men among the Sacramentarians, mitted to be worthy of his exalted piety; "Let us," whose friendship would be advantageous to him, so says he, "be grateful to God who sends his angels that if he could have concurred in their opinion to be our protectors, and let us with increased tran- about the Lord's Supper, he would have spoken quillity of mind, fulfil the duties assigned us." freely. The Zuinglians supposed, he said, the body of Christ to be absent and only represented in the Sacrament, as persons are represented in a theatre, but he considered that Jesus Christ had promised to be with us even to the end of the world-that it is not necessary to separate the divinity from the humanity-he was persuaded, therefore, the sacrament was a pledge of the real presence, and that the body of Christ was truly received in the Lord's Supper-that the proper import of the words 'this is my body,' was not contrary to any article of faith, but agreed with other passages in Scripture where the presence of Christ was mentioned and that it was unbecoming a Christian to believe that Jesus Christ is as it were imprisoned in heaven-that Oecolampadius had only alluded to some absurdities, and the opinion of some of the fathers against it, neither of which ought to influence those who know that the mysteries of religion are to be judged by the word of God and not by mathematical principles, and that the writings of the ancients abound in contradictions; but, he said the greatest number of the expressions in the most eminent writers, proves the doctrine of the real presence to be the general sense of the church. He desires Oecolampadius to consider the importance of the question in dispute, and the ill consequences of maintaining his opinion with so much warmth of temper, and adds, it would be very proper for some good men to confer together on the subject." To the latter proposition Oecolampadius in his reply most cordially assents.

At this Diet the former decree, which allowed every prince to manage his own ecclesiastical affairs as he thought proper till the appointment of a general council, was revoked; all farther innovation in religion, was interdicted, the celebration of mass was nowhere to be disallowed, and the anabaptists were made subject to capital punishment. The resolutions of the first Diet had been carried unanimously, they were revoked, merely by a majority of Catholic votes, procured by imperial influence. The arguments and remonstrances of the Reformers were useless, and the only measure left them to adopt was to enter a solemn protest against this decree, which they did on the nineteenth of April; whence they acquired the name of PROTESTANTS. The first who thus obtained this glorious distinction were John, Elector of Saxony, George, Elector of Brandenburg, Ernest and Francis, Dukes of Lunenburg, Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, and Wolfgang, Prince of Anhalt. They were seconded by thirteen or fourteen imperial cities.

The ambassadors commissioned by these noble dissenters to communicate their proceedings to the Emperor in Spain, were immediately arrested upon their arrival. This unwarrantable violence only tended to strengthen their union, and they held various meetings at Roth, Nuremberg and Smalcald, to concert measures for mutual defence. The Elector of Saxony, however, instructed by Luther and Melancthon, showed a disinclination to form a military association, and nothing decisive resulted at present from these deliberations.

The anxiety of Melancthon, who had accompanied the Elector to the Diet, was extreme. During all these transactions, he and Luther, with whom a perpetual communication was maintained, were constantly consulted. In every struggle and diffi

Some years previous to this period, Melancthon had thus expressed himself in a letter to Camerarius; "I commit the affair to Christ, that his divine wisdom may best consult his own glory. I have hitherto always entertained the hope that he would by some means make it plain what is the true doc