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Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute-Jan.-June, Some Votive Offerings to the Venetic Goddess Rehtia [illustrated], R. S. Conway.

Literary World-Nov. 2, (H. B. Walters, A Classical Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, Biography, Geography and Mythology).

Military Historian and Economist-Oct., Rome, Marseilles and Carthage, T. Frank.

Modern Language Association, Publications of-June, A Byzantine Source for Guillaume de Lorris's Roman de la Rose, F. M. Warren.

Modern Language Notes-Feb., The Judgment of Paris. W. C. Curry. March, A Classical Allusion in Poe, H. E. Mierow.May, Chaucer and Horace, Harriet Seibert.

Nation (London)-Oct. 14. (E. Hutton, Attila and the Huns [Contains references to Ammianus Marcellinus et al.]). National Geographic Magazine-Oct., Italy [with very many illustrations of interest to classicists], A. S. Riggs. Poetry-Nov., Mr. Hagedorn's Clytemnestra = (H. Hagedorn, The Great Maze and The Heart of a Youth, a Poem and a Play).

Quarterly Review-April, Horace at his Sabine Farm, Sir Archibald Geikie.

La Revue-Nov., Invocation Delphique [a poem], A. Lebey. Revue Hispanique-Aug., Las Heroidas de Ovidio Traducidas en Castellano. Publicalas S. López Inclan.

Revue historique-May-June, Flamininus et la politique romaine en Grèce, ii, Léon Homo; Bulletin historique: Histoire grecque (G. Glotz); Coroi, La Violence en droit criminel romain J. Toutain). July-Aug., Cloche, La Restauration démocratique à Athènes en 403 (G. Glotz); Cloche, Étude chronologique sur la troisième guerre sacrée, 356-46 (G. Glotz).

Saturday Review-Oct. 28, "YBPIZ and Nemesis, H. J. Marshall. Science Progress-Oct., Ancient Knowledge of Parasite-Carriers, H. A. Strong; W. Ridgeway, The Dramas and Dramatic Dances of Non-European Races, etc. (E. S. Hartland). Studies in Philology [A Quarterly Journal Published under the Direction of the Philological Club of the University of North Carolina]-Oct., Consules Suffecti in the Years 98 to 101, G. A. Harrer; Classical Notes [I. Lucian and the Governor of Cappadocia; II. Cohors I Flavia Bessorum Quae est in Macedonia; III. A Note on Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho LXXVIII, 10], G. A. Harrer.

Spectator Oct. 7, Limericks, A. H. Davis [one in Greek].-Oct. 14, The Consolations of the Classics, S.-Oct. 21, The Consolations of the Classics, A. V. A. D. Nurse; Greece, W. B. Prosser; (C. E. Robinson, The Days of Alkibiades). Times (London) Literary Supplement-Oct. 13, The Pleasures of Quotation, R. B. Luard-Selby [Euripides on the Great War. Oct. 20, The Pleasures of Quotation, T. C. Weatherhead [Cicero on the Great War].-Nov. 3, (A Classical Dictionary, Edited by H. B. Walters).

Unpopular Review-Oct., Errata and Contingent Subjects. Yale Review-Oct., The Case of Latin, A. G. Keller; Greek in the New University, T. D. Goodell.


The newly organized Classical League of Philadelphia held its first literary meeting on Friday evening, November 24, at the Widener Library, in Philadelphia. Forty-four persons were present, a fact which augurs well for the vitality of the new organization, especially since membership in the Classical League is restricted to teachers of Latin and Greek.

The feature of the meeting was the reading by Professor Charles Knapp of a scholarly paper entitled A Phase in the Development of Prose Writing among the Romans, With characteristic vigor and clearness Professor Knapp traced the development of Latin prose from the rugged simplicity and brevity of the earliest specimens-a brevity often degenerating into baldness, and often marred by obscurity-to the style of Cicero, whose distinguishing characteistics were copia and the use of the periodic sentence, and thence, through Sallust, Quintilian, Pliny the Younger, and Tacitus to brevity again, surcharged now with meaning, and yet often marred by the old faults, baldness and obscurity. He pointed out that brevity, rather than the copia of Cicero, was natural to the Romans; hence in Sallust

and Tacitus, for example, we are to see a reversion to type, or, perhaps we had better say, the persistence of type. He discussed also the factors which led to the supplanting of Cicero's style by that of Sallust and of Tacitus (as seen especially in the Annales). Besides the reasons commonly advanced to explain this phenomenon, he advanced one not before considered-the suggestion that the tendency toward archaism, plainly visible always in Latin literature, and pressing more and more to the front, from the time of Cicero and Horace onward, all through the first century A.D., and finally triumphant in the days of Hadrian, played a very large part.

The President of the League, Miss Emma L. Berry, announced that there was every prospect that The Classical League and The Philadelphia Society for the Promotion of Liberal Studies were to work together in an interlocking arrangement for the furthering of the cause of the Classics. ARTHUR W. HOWES, Secretary.


The recent occupation of Athens and of forts in different parts of Greece by the allies seemed, at one time, to many persons outrageous. The purpose of the Allies was to insure the adherence of the Greeks to their cause, or at any rate to prevent the Greeks from helping the enemy. Compare the treatment of the Boeotians at the time of Xerxes's invasion, as given by Herodotus 8.34: "All the Boeotians had Medized, but their cities were held by Macedonian troops, who had been sent by Alexander. The Macedonians held the cities, because they wished to make it evident to Xerxes that the Boeotians favored the Medes."

Another passage of interest is Thucydides 2.67. During the Peloponnesian War the Athenians had put to death some Spartan ambassadors who had been delivered into their hands. According to Thucydides, in Jowett's translation, "They considered they had a right to retaliate on the Lacedaemonians, who had begun by treating in the same way the traders of the Athenians and their allies when they caught their vessels off the coast of Peloponnesus. For at the commencement of the war, all whom the Lacedaemonians captured at sea were treated by them as enemies and indiscriminately slaughtered, whether they were allies of the Athenians or neutrals." MUHLENBERG College.



The Classical Association of Pittsburgh and Vicinity met at the University of Pittsburgh on December 2. The program included a paper on The History of the Teaching of Latin, by Miss Wilma F. Schmitz, of the South High School, Pittsburgh, and an illustrated lecture on The Life of a Roman Woman, by Professor Walton Brooks McDaniel, of the University of Pennsylvania.

The Classical Association of Pittsburgh is beginning its tenth year. The officers for the current year are: President, Miss N. Anna Petty, Latimer Junior High School, Pittsburgh; Vice-President, Miss Mary L. Breene, Peabody High School, Pittsburgh; SecretaryTreasurer, Professor Evan T. Sage, University of Pittsburgh.

EVAN T. SAGE, Secretary.


Entered as second-class matter November 18, 1907, at the Post Office, New York, N. Y., under the Act of Congress of March 1, 1879 NEW YORK, JANUARY 8, 1917


Recently, at a Classical gathering in New York State, I spoke to a group of teachers on The Teaching of Vergil in Secondary Schools. Nothing that I said or did in the course of an address lasting forty-five minutes and in the discussion that followed for an equal length of time made such an impression, so far as I can judge, as the fact that, in treating a certain point, I read a dozen lines or so of Aeneid I.

To me this seemed very strange. It gave me no satisfaction to infer that reading Latin aloud was an uncommon practice of teachers of Latin. I had supposed that teachers constantly urged their pupils, even the beginners, to read the Latin aloud as one most excellent way of studying and of mastering at once their lessons and the Latin language. I naturally believed that teachers of Latin themselves constantly read Latin aloud. I have myself derived keen pleasure from constantly reading Latin, especially Latin poetry, aloud; once, while riding from New York to Buffalo, I read aloud, in a Pullman car, two books of the Aeneid. The immediate point I was making on the occasion referred to in the first sentence of this editorial was the importance of the mastery of the metrical form to a right understanding and enjoyment of Vergil-a timeworn theme, surely. And yet this recent experience shows afresh the necessity of emphasising incessantly the obvious. Though I have discussed this matter in print several times already1, I come back to the subject now as an appropriate way of starting this opening number of THE CLASSICAL WEEKLY for the current calendar year.

It has been well said that

for the proper appreciation of the undying poets of paganism a thorough mastery of their metre is necessary; for form is to the poet as important as matter, and form is the great fosterer of clear thought and appropriate language2.

It is a commonplace that the language of the Roman poets was in large measure affected by the "shackles of the metre". Phraseology, word-order, syntax, the very thought itself were all alike affected by the

In an article entitled Form in Latin Poetry, in The Latin Leaflet, Nos. 101-103 (October 3, 10, 17, 1904), in a paper on Some Points in the Literary Interpretation of Vergil, The School Review 13 (1905), 492-508 (see especially 495-496), and, finally, in The Scansion of Vergil and the Schools, THE CLASSICAL WEEKLY 3.2-5,


So S. G. Owen, The Classical Review 10.440, in a review of Lucian Mueller, De Re Metrica2.

See Professor H. W. Johnston's paper, The Teaching of Vergil in the High Schools (Scott, Foresman and Co., Chicago).

No. 11

meter. John Conington, the distinguished editor of Vergil, who himself wrote Latin verse, and translated the Aeneid and the Satires and Epistles of Horace into English verse, stated the matter thus:

Superficial observers are apt to treat the influence of metre with comparative indifference, as involving the mere outward form of poetry; but a more careful analysis will show that though the soul of verse is doubtless originally separable from its body, the latter is not a bare husk, to be assumed or thrown off at pleasure, but a part of an organized whole, modified and modifying in turn, and clinging to its partner with a tenacious vitality, which criticism, in attempting to disentangle, is apt to destroy. The language reacts on the thought, which, in taking shape, is obliged to part with something of its own, and accept something extraneous and accidental; and the metre exercises a similar constraint upon the language, enforcing the substitution of one word for another, and thus producing a still further departure from the precise character of the conception originally formed in the mind. This second bondage makes itself felt much more in ancient than in modern metres, in proportion as the rule of quantity is much more searchingly oppressive than the rule of accent.

Mr. F. W. H. Myers, too, has put the matter well5: For Latin poetry suffered a violent breach of continuity in the introduction from Greece of the hexameter and the elegiac couplet. The quantitative hexameter is in Latin a difficult and unnatural metre. Its prosodial structure excludes a very large proportion of Latin words from being employed at all. It narrowly limits the possible grammatical constructions, the modes of emphasis, the usages of curtailment, the forms of narration.

It is the fashion to speak of Livius Andronicus as the father of Latin literature. He was, to be sure, the first to write in Latin anything to which the term literature might by any stretch be applied; he also brought Greek culture to bear on the enrichment of the Latin language and on the enlargement of the Roman circle of ideas. By his imitation of the Greeks, by his enrichment of the language, by his employment, in his plays, of non-Italian meters he opened up new paths. The Romans, however, with fine perception always regarded Ennius rather than Livius Andronicus as the father of their poetry. No Roman writer ever calls Ennius a pupil or imitator of Livius, Naevius, or Plautus, but all Roman writers regard him as the

In a paper entitled Early Roman Tragedy and Epic Poetry, printed originally in the North British Review, No. LXXXII, and reprinted in Conington's Miscellaneous Writings 1.294-347. "In Essays Classical, 135 (The Macmillan Company, 1897).

man who introduced into Rome, in pure form, the poetry of Greece. They were right, for to Ennius preeminently all departments of Roman poetry, save comedy, were deeply indebted. He made his influence profoundly felt in the satura, in tragedy, and in the epic, and through his introduction of the hexameter affected again indirectly the drama and the satura. The meter and the prosody of Livius Andronicus, Naevius, and Plautus passed away, but the hexameter and the prosody it conditioned endured to the end of Latin literature, at least to the end of the higher forms of Latin literature. Lucian Mueller holds that, without Ennius, Horace and Vergil would be unthinkable, and he declares that, had there not been some such reformer as Ennius, the tendency to disintegration which made itself so strongly felt in the Latin language with the decline of culture in the third century A.D., to end in the rise of the Romance languages, would have made itself felt before the close of the Republic. The ever-ncreasing power of the Romans, accompanied as it was by the ever-widening use of their language, exposed their language to peculiar dangers; against these Ennius safeguarded it for centuries by his introduction of the hexameter and of the rigid rules necessary for the successful production of hexameter verses. Ennius showed that it was possible to imitate in Latin the meter of the Greeks in its pure, not in its distorted, forms, and that, if its variety, its versatility could not be attained in Latin, it was possible at least to reproduce its strength, its logical consistency and its symmetry.

By doing all this for Latin poetry, Ennius necessarily laid Latin prose also under deep obligations to himself. After he had enriched the Latin language and had dignified poetry, it was natural that higher demands should be made also on prose. He may be said, therefore, to have made possible the movement which resulted in the prose periods of Cicero and Livy.

From a second point of view, then, we have made plain the importance of the metrical form. No one can lay claim to an understanding of the rise and development of Latin literature, whether in prose or verse, who has not paid considerable attention to metrical matters.

(To be continued)

C. K.


My preface is a true apologue. A friend of mine, unacquainted with Greek, neither ethnologist, nor anthropologist, nor religiologist, a person not a student at all, in the more narrow, technical sense of the word,

In his Quintus Ennius, Eine Einleitung in das Studium der Römischen Poesie (St. Petersburg, 1884), an excellent book. See especially pages 1-8.

Here one may read with profit, in Professor F. F. Abbott's book, The Common People of Ancient Rome (Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, 1911), the chapters entitled How Latin Became the language of the World (3-31) and The Latin of the Common People (32-78).

but ingenuously sensitive to literary appeal, and, be it added to this long characterisation, adamant in refusal to read anything conceived or discovered to be uninteresting, once declared Frazer's translation of Pausanias to be one of the most fascinating books in English. Of this the moral is obvious: we mystae of the Classics err in passing to the students in our class-rooms, as well as to our uninitiated, our profane, friends, the stock description of Pausanias as an ancient Baedeker.

He certainly was a most entertaining traveller, not at all the man of absolute, adequate information, but one who went about gleaning facts here and there, naively recording the steps by which he gained his knowledge of this detail and that, and, quite as frankly, setting down a memorial of his scepticisms, inferences, and perplexities. Of course, if he were the dullest of all authors, his testimony would be peculiarly valuable, as that of a well-educated Greek belonging to the second century of our era who, writing of the important cantons of the Greek mainland, must needs give a view of Hellenism from a standpoint similar to ours, after the greatness was accomplished and extinct, while, unlike us, he had by tradition and inheritance the clue to various ideas, puzzling to us, which underlie Greek art and religion, indeed, that whole civilization. Therefore he must be a remarkable medium between ancient Hellenism and modern students thereof.

It is a pity that his work is not more familiar to the general reader of Greek. It seems to me that, barring that pleasant experience which comes to most lovers of the Classics who visit Greece, that thrill in listening to some bit from this old traveller read on the very spot described, he has been appropriated by three sets of enthusiasts-students of topography, students of ancient ritual, and students in search of clinching arguments, whether to sustain or to demolish a theory concerning anything under the sun that bears on antiquity. It is striking that, apart from random grudging respect, when his evidence has been required for the date of some artist or some piece of plastic work, those who make a specialty of the study of Greek art are not generally very friendly to him. They cannot forgive his rather vexatious preference for odd archaic things to masterpieces. And yet I suspect that in his pages, by reason of that pertinacious desire of his to probe for shreds of intelligence about early monuments, there is much to be learned concerning the beginnings of Greek art.

Of sculpture in wood, for example, he has much to say. Here his advantage over us is immense, for he actually saw many wooden images, reverend objects. Scattered through the ten books of Pausanias, there are at least sixty unmistakable records of wooden

This paper was read at the Tenth Annual Meeting of The Classical Association of the Atlantic States, held at the Central High School, Philadelphia, April 14, 1916.-For a paper on Pausanias, viewed from a different angle, see the article, Pausanias as an Historian, by H. L. Ebeling, in THE CLASSICAL WEEKLY 7.138-141, 146-150.

images which were in Greece in his time. I have found, on gathering the list, that these always represented deities, the roll itself being interesting and rather quaint in detail: Eileithyia, Artemis, Nemesis, Pan, Dionysus, Apollo, Athena, Heracles, the Dioscuri, Tyche, Asclepius, Hygeia, Coronis, Aphrodite, the Mother of the Gods, Hermes, Orpheus, Kore, the Charites, Ge, Demeter, the Muses, Trophonius, Britomartis, Zeus, Ares, Hecate, Damia and Auxesia, Hera, Thetis, Enyalius, Nike. There are strange absences here, as also strange presences.

An even more attractive list of dedicators may be drawn up, for in this particular Pausanias seems to take pleasure in swinging us back to the grand heroic days. Thus we hear of Phaedra's dedicating to Eileithyia at Athens two wooden images of the goddess, wrapped in drapery-apparently actual garments of stuff-from head to foot, an unusual custom, except at Athens2. At Athens also there was a dedication of Cecrops, a wooden Hermes on the Acropolis, which, when Pausanias saw it, was almost hidden by myrtle boughs3. Hypermestra is named as the dedicator of an Aphrodite Nikephoros at Argos, her offering having been occasioned by gratitude for the goddess's aid in acquitting her at the trial for the sin of breaking her vow out of loving kindness to her husband'. In the same passage we read of a wooden Hermes by Epeus, the famous artificer of the Wooden Horse. Near this same city, Argos, in a temple on the road to Mantinea, Pausanias saw statues which Polynices and his Argives set up to Ares and Aphrodites. Also in the Argolid, on the slope of Mt. Pontinus, just above the Lernean marshes and the sea, in a temple founded by Danaus there was a seated image of Dionysus Saotes. With regret, Pausanias tells that Tiryns had once had a wooden statue, also a dedication of Danaus, that of Lycian Apollo, but that in his day this had been replaced by one of later workmanship'. In a remote town in Laconia, Pyrrhichus, he saw wooden images of Artemis Astrateia and Apollo Amazonius, which the warrior women from Thermodon had placed there to mark a point where their invading army had halted3. In Sparta there was the famous Artemis Orthia, a little statue of wood, which perplexed our voyager and led him to much explanation, because there were various conflicting tales; some asserted that this was the original Tauric idol stolen by Iphigenia and Orestes from the barbarous land where she had served the cruel goddess and that it had been at Brauron and later at Athens, others maintained, that the original had been carried away from Attica by the Persians and that Seleucus had given it to the people of Mesoa, who for certain ritual purposes had to share it with the inhabitants of Patrae". Pelops is named as the dedicator of a statue on the banks of the river Hermus in Elis, in the city Temnos, an image of Aphrodite made

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of myrtle-wood, which Pelops with shrewd sense set up when he prayed to win the hand of Hippodamia1o. Thebes had several fine old memorials of this kind. One of these was the work and also the dedication of Daedalus, the most noted of all makers of wooden images, who this time was commemorating his gratitude to Heracles for recognising the body of Icarus, when the sea tossed it up on the beach of the island of Samos, and burying it. The tale, by the way, that Pausanias has to tell about the son's mishap does not mention wings, but records that Daedalus and Icarus were speeding away from the wrath of Minos in a little boat fitted with sails, a new invention at that time, and that Icarus knocked himself overboard by his awkward management of the rudder. There were three wooden images of Aphrodite at Thebes which Harmonia, the wife of Cadmus, had dedicated, calling them by cult-epithets to designate three aspects of the deity's influence, Urania, Pandemos, Apostrophia12. Two other heroines are named in connection with statues of this technique-Procne, who set up at Daulis a likeness of Athena which she had brought from Athens13, and Ariadne, who carried from her father's house, when she fled with Theseus, an image of Aphrodite, wrought by Daedalus1. Fickle Theseus took it along with him on sailing away from Naxos, but, while he was at Delos, he decided that it would be the part of prudence to dedicate it there to Apollo, lest, if he were to take it to Athens or Troezen, it should remind him unpleasantly of the deserted girl and create complications of the heart.

It is not only in regard to the dedication of these images that Pausanias has engaging stories to narrate. Among the romantic legends connected with the provenience of some of them, he says that one was miraculously discovered in a cave by a band of Greek heroes on their way home from Troy and thence reverently carried to Hellas1, that another, a strange statue, representing the One-eyed Zeus Herkeios,

that had been among Priam's ancestral possessions, was a part of the spoils of the great victory1, that still another, a statue of Apollo, which barbarians had sacrilegiously thrown down from its base on the island of Delos, was conveyed unharmed by the waves to Cape Malea, where the people of the countryside, obedient to the Delphic oracle, revered it highly, counting it a prime treasure17. In another instance, similar to the last, some fishermen caught in their nets a fragment of a wooden image, merely the face18. This was at Methymna, a place outside Pausanias's travels, but he knew the tale, as he indicates, through the explanation which the exegete at Delphi gave of a bronze statue of Apollo Phallen in the precinct, a work sent by the Methymnaeans as a copy in extenso of their fragmentary god. The wooden countenance was said to be kept at Methymna as something very holy.

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It was usual, it would appear, to regard the ancient wooden images with the greatest veneration, the rites associated with them sometimes being intimately bound to very old local legends and customs, sometimes being mystic. Thus Pausanias marks as peculiar the ritual belonging to several cult-images of wood: to that of Kore at Helos, near Amyclae, and of Orpheus in this same neighborhood, on Mt. Taygetus19; of Artemis Eurynome at Phigaleia, the mermaid-goddess, bound in golden fetters, whose very ancient shrine was opened only once a year, and of whose image Pausanias honestly records that, since he was SO unfortunate as to miss the great day, he knew its appearance merely by hearsay20; of Ge Eurysternos in a shrine near Crathis in Achaea, an image which appeared to him to be one of the oldest wooden statues in Greece21, dedicated to a goddess whose priestess, if accused of breaking her religious vow, must be tested by drinking a cup of bull's blood; of Damia and Auxesia at Aegina, deities almost identical with the Eleusinian Twain22; of Thetis at Sparta, whose rites, in obedience to a miraculous vision of a certain Lacedaemonian lady, were taught by captive Messenian women23. It is noteworthy that it was through a dream that Onatas of Aegina, commissioned to make a bronze copy of the Horse-Headed mystic Demeter at Phigaleia, whose ancient wooden image had, some time before his day, been destroyed by fire, gained all information regarding the details of the statue24. The oldest shrine of Aphrodite on Greek soil, that of Urania at Cythera, had a wooden cult-statue, representing the goddess armed, and there was a wooden statue in another venerable temple of this deity, that of Aphrodite Areia at Sparta. Whether here too the goddess was armed, Pausanias does not say, but he designates the sanctuary as 'ancient, if anything is ancient in Greece'26. Sparta possessed three more wooden images of the Sea-Born, one with the epithet Hera, to whom mothers sacrificed when their daughters were married, the other two standing under the sam temple roof, but in different chambers28. The structure of this temple was unique among the buildings that Pausanias saw in Greece. There were two stories, with a cult-chamber on each level, and in each a wooden image of Aphrodite. That in the lower cella was of the armed type, without epithet, that in the upper was surnamed Morpho and was odd in that the statue was chained. The legend of the shrine had it that Tyndareus had fettered her to punish her for the reproaches incurred through her by his daughters. 'But', Pausanias exclaims, in one of his rationalising moments, 'it were certainly silly to make a carved thing of cedar and give it the name Aphrodite and hope thus to get even with the goddess!' One recalls the fetters on Eurynome at Phigaleia and wonders what, after all, they symbolised. Pausanias records the practice in

193.20.5-7. 233.14.4.


another place in connection with a wooden image of Enyalius at Sparta, declaring that the idea of the Lacedaemonians in chaining this god was the same as that of the Athenians in depriving Nike of wings, that the deity should not desert them29. Of course, this simple symbolism may be exactly that in which men of primitive times would have indulged, but I confess that the explanation does not satisfy me. Could the implied suggestion be that here was an immortal who had been captured by a mortal? The application to the mermaid Eurynome does not seem far amiss, when one remembers the tale of Menelaus and the seals and, better still, that of Peleus and Thetis.


The fact, indubitably plain in Pausanias's account, that wooden images were almost always closely associated with the most sacred and venerable legends of the countryside to which each belonged, I have stressed in the hope of showing that they were expressions of Hellenic religious thought. In other words, the impression that I have received in studying the evidence is that, whatever the source of the technique the statues carved in wood were executed after Greek ideas for Greek people. But, without question, there had been much artistic influence from outside. Pausanias clearly acknowledges this, pointing to Egypt as the parent of the style. In one passage30 he says: 'I am confident that in the days of Danaus all statues were of wood, and that they were particularly the Egyptian kind'. In another31 he names two broadly distinct types of workmanship, the Egyptian and the Aeginetan, and it is instructive to observe that in a third context he shows that Callon of Aegina, a famous early artist, some of whose work was done in wood, was the pupil of two earlier sculptors, well known as pupils of the Cretan School32. The palm of excellence for wood technique he gives to Crete, notably to Daedalus33. I am inclined to believe that there came to primitive Greece from Egypt two currents of technical tradition regarding sculpture in wood, one indirectly by way of the Aegean, or Minoan and Mycenaean, civilisation which preceded the Hellenes of which the extant remains amply demonstrate a debt to Egypt, the other directly, through the Greek colonies in northern Africa. Possibly it would be right to construe the fact that, although Pausanias has a canon of woods that were used for wooden images 'of yore34', a rather outlandish list-ebony, cypress, cedar, (oak), yew, lotus, and, in one instance some kind of aromatic wood called vos, perhaps eucalyptus-, he has several scattered references to more homely Greek woods: willow35, myrtle36, olive37, (oak38), pine39. The discrepancy may, however, indicate merely the tendency of the Greeks to adapt a foreign custom to their own resources. That is, Minoan Crete as a

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