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'ENGLISH WORDS' IN HIGH SCHOOL LATIN Of all the reasons advanced for the study of Latin none appeals so directly and so forcibly to the mind of the juvenile student as the statement that Latin will help him to understand the meanings of English words, and will help him not only to see why an English word means what it means, but why it is spelled as it is spelled. As this is a reason he can readily grasp, he can easily arrive at the point where he really feels and actually sees that the study of Latin is 'practical'. The object in view in this brief note is to put together material which will help a teacher to bring home to the pupil in a closer and more intimate way the vital connection between the English and the Latin word. Two lists

are given of 'English' words which form part of the vocabulary with which the pupil has to deal in his High School work.

I Words exactly the Same in Latin and English' album, alias, alter, animal (V)2, animus, antennae, apex, arbor, ardor, arena (V), augur (V), aura axis, cadaver, campus, candor (V), catena, censor, census, chorus (V), circus (V), clangor (V), cognomen (V), colloquium, color, competitors, conifer (V), consensus, conspectus, consul, copula, crater (V), cumulus (V), cunabula (V), corruptor, decorum, deprecator, dictator, dictum, discolor (V), errata, error (V), exit, exordium (V), extra, faber, fasces, favor (V), femur, fetus, fiat, finis, fissile, focus, folio, fornix (V) forum, fulcrum (V), frustum (V), furor, genius (V), gladiator, habitat, hiatus (V), honor, horror (V), hostile, humerus, impetus, inane, inertia, insignia, integer, interim, interior, item, janitor (V), junctura, labor, languor, liquor (V), locus, lustrum (V), major, mamma (V), mandamus, maximum, mediocre, medium, memento, memorandum, militia, minimum, minor, minister (V), minus, miser, mobile, multiplex (V), nebula (V), nectar (V), neuter, nimbus (V), nostrum, obstinate, octavo, odium, odor (V), omen, omnibus, onus, opus, orator3, ordo, ovum, pabulum, paean (V), pallor (V), par, passim, pastor, pauper, peplum (V), phalanx, plaudit (V), plus, pontifex, posse, posterior, pr(a)emium, praetor, prior, quarto, quid, quondam, quorum, rabies (V), radius (V), ratio, rebus, recipe, regalia, requiem, rostrum, rumor, Sagittarius, sal, semen, senator3, senior, series (V), servile, sic, silex, simulacrum, sinister, sinus, specie, species, speculator, splendor, status, sterile (V), stimulus, stratum (V), sulphur (V), superior, Taurus, terminus, toga, tuba, tutor, ulterior, uterus, vacuum, vagina, vapor (V), Venus, vertex, vesper, veto, via, victor, vigor, vile, vim, vinculum, virile, viscera.

II Words almost, but not quite the Same (Words ending in us in Latin, ous in English) ambiguus (V), arboreus (V), arduus, assiduus, barbarus, bibulus (V), caducus (V), canorus (V), consanguineus, conscius, decorus, egregius, ferreus, ferrugineus (V), fulvus (V), impius, incautus (V), innoxius (V), magnanimus, nefarius, noxius (V), obvius, odorus3 (V), perfidus (V), pervius (V), pius (V), prosperus (V), sollicitus, sonorus (V), squameus (V), unanimus (V), uxorius (V), vacuus, varius.

In the two lists we have 189 + 34 = 223 words. COLLEGE OF THE

CITY OF NEW YORK.

EMORY B. LEASE.

These words have been taken from Professor Lodge's Vocabulary of High School Latin.

2Words used by Vergil only are thus designated. The shift in the place of the accent is instructive.

TENNESSEE PHILOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION

The eleventh annual meeting of the Tennessee Philological Association was held at Maryville College, Maryville, Tennessee, on Friday and Saturday, February 23-24. This Association devotes its interest and its energies in part to modern languages, in part to the Classics. The classical papers on the recent programme were as follows: The Roman and Greek View of City Life, R. J. Reveley, Knoxville High School; How We Vitalize the Study of Latin, Floy Harris, Johnson City High School; A Popular Language in an Imperial Government, Charles E. Little, George Peabody College for Teachers, President of the Association; The Simile in the Aeneid, Mary S. Plummer, Knoxville High School; Roman Personal Names, R. B. Steele, Vanderbilt University; Pax Romana, Murat Roberts, East Tennessee Normal School; Ancient Parallels to the Angels of Mons, R. S. Radford, University of Tennessee.

LATIN EXHIBIT AT THE NEWARK PUBLIC LIBRARY

The Public Library, Newark, New Jersey, held a Latin Exhibit, February 7-21, which was a great success in respect to the excellence of the exhibit and the number of visitors. A large proportion of Newark's 2,000 students of Latin, and hundreds of others from the city and the vicinity, inspected the books, maps, charts, and objects displayed.

Cases were filled with Roman coins and other objects from the Newark Museum, with valuable old prints, and photographs of manuscripts. The shelves contained practically a complete exhibit of Latin literature. The walls were covered with large lithographs showing scenes interesting to High School students of Latin, with maps, and with photographs of Roman sculpture and buildings. Sabin Charts, made by the South Side High School, under the direction of Miss H. O. Schenck, were shown. In addition, the Museum lent some valuable busts and bronzes of classical and mediaeval subjects. The whole was 'tagged' and explained by the artistic printing of the Library Press.

Mr. John Cotton Dana, who is widely known as a librarian, is also a Latinist of repute, and an enthusiastic supporter of the Classics. An interesting letter of invitation to the Exhibit, in Latin, prepared by Mr. Dana, was circulated widely. The exhibit was under the direct charge of Miss Grace Thompson, of the Library staff. Most of the material will now be shown at the University of Michigan, and portions of it will afterwards be available for other Colleges and Schools. BARRINGER HIGH SCHOOL, WILLIAM WALLACE KING. Newark.

Last year the University of Chicago Press published a book of 125 pages, entitled Teaching High-School Latin, by Josiah B. Game, of the Florida State College for Women ($1.00). The titles of the chapters are as follows: Latin's Immediate Service in Education; Latin's Larger Service in Education and in Life; Classical Studies on the Defensive; The Teacher and His Subject; The Training of the Latin Teacher; English in Latin Study; Public Testimony to the Value of Latin Study; The Text: Its Author and Publisher; First-Year Latin; Second-Year Latin; Third-Year Latin; Fourth-Year Latin; Latin Prose Composition; The Latin Bible, Latin Hymns, and Songs; Classroom Equipment for the Latin Department; Questions, with Answers and Suggestions. A more extended notice of the book will be given later.

C. K.

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Entered as second-class matter November 18, 1907, at the Post Office, New York, N. Y., under the Act of Congress of March 1, 1879

VOL. X

NEW YORK, MARCH 19, 1917

THE CONSULAR SPEECHES OF CICERO1

The most famous consulship in Roman history is known to the world largely through the events of its closing months. Indeed, it is clear that Cicero himself regarded as his great service to his country the suppression of the conspiracy of Catiline; but it seems to me that M. Boissier was right in asserting2 that the earlier and less spectacular events of the year were hardly inferior in importance, for they throw light on the rapidly developing relations of Caesar and Cicero and on the progress of the great revolutionary movement which had been gaining force since the days of the Gracchi. They show this revolutionary impulse finding expression, not as yet in the extreme, anarchistic form of the conspiracy of Catiline, but in the more moderate and more carefully planned efforts of clever politicians under the resourceful leadership of Julius Caesar.

In the closing days of the year 64 B. C. an agrarian law had been proposed by C. Servilius Rullus, a tribune of the people. Its avowed object was to provide lands for the poor by establishing colonies in Italy. Now, there was very little public domain left in the peninsula-only the Ager Campanus around Capua and the Campus Stellatis, al o in Campania. These were, of course, quite inadequate for the purposes of the law, which therefore provided that the necessary additional land be purchased in Italy, the purchase-money to be procured by the sale of many of the rich foreign possessions of Rome, and by the use of enormous revenues, such as those which would shortly accrue from the provinces which Pompey was organ zing in the East.

The vast financial transactions involved in all this buying and selling were to be in the hands of a commission of ten men, chosen for five years from seventeen of the thirty-five tribes. These decemvirs were responsible to no court; they wielded a power so untrammelled that Cicero indignantly described them by the hateful term reges.

I have said that the avowed object of this law was to

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provide lands for the poor" by establishing colonies in Italy, but the real object was "to procure for the leaders of the democratic party a position similar to that which Pompey held by virtue of the Gabinian and Manilian legislation's. In other words, the democrats wished to set up a rival power to that of Pompey9 and, to this end, Egypt was especially the object of their desire1o. Perhaps, too, they wished to embarrass Cicero by showing him in an ugly light, as the new mouthpiece of the Senate and no longer the boasted champion of the people. If this latter object formed any part of their plan, Cicero took up the challenge in no fainthearted style. On the very first day of his consulship he laid the situation before the Senate11 in the presence of Rullus himself, whom he pictures as the false friend of the people, bringing forward a law rich in possibilities of harm to the state.

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Concerning this law Cicero delivered four orations12. Of these, the first, which I have just mentioned, is incomplete; the last is lost; the third is very brief, merely refuting the charge of Rullus that Cicero's opposition is due to sympathy with the beneficiaries of Sulla. The second speech, delivered before the people, is the main source for our knowledge of the law. Cicero begins by thanking the people for electing him to the consulship (§ 1). He emphasizes the fact that he is the first novus homo in many years to be made consul; furthermore, he has reached the office at the earliest possible age, which has seldom happened even to men of noble birth (3-4). He reminds them of the troubled condition of affairs at the beginning of his term of office, of the rem publicam . . . plenam sollicitudinis, plenam timoris, and he promises to be a consul popularis and to give them pax and otium (7-10; compare 102-103). He goes on to explain that he has no objection to an agrarian law per se; that when, as consul-elect, he learned that the tribunes-elect were framing such a law, he was interested and tried to cooperate with them but that they received

"For a recent discussion of this law see The Policy of the Rullan Proposal in 63 B. C., by E. G. Hardy, Journal of Philology 32.228260. Mr. Hardy believes that not only poor citizens but, ultimately, old soldiers, too, were to be assigned to these colonies (251-254; compare Political and Legal Aspects of the Trial of Rabirius, Journal of Philology 34.13).

$Mommsen, History of Rome, translated by W. P. Dickson, new edition, 4.210.

9Cicero, De Lege Agr. 2.46, 49-50.

10See Hardy, Journal of Philology 32.235, 257. The democrats had failed in an open attempt to get possession of Egypt in 65 B. C. 11De Lege Agr. Oratio Prima.

12The extant orations are De Lege Agr. 1, 2, 3.

his advances coldly and kept their plans as secret as possible (10–13). In spite of this, he would still be willing to support the measure, if it were really in the interests of the people. However, on careful examination, he was convinced that the law gave unlimited power to the decemvirs at the expense of the people, a most shameful thing, because it was a tribune of the people who had proposed the law (14-15). Rullus was to be head of the commission and the choice of the other members was practically in his hands; moreover, the commission was to be selected from only seventeen of the thirty-five tribes; in other words, nine tribes could control the administration of this monstrous scheme (16-22). In particular, the law discriminated against Pompey, not only by giving the decemvirs control over vast revenues from provinces acquired by him (52-55), but also by the provision which required a candidate for the decemvirate to announce personally his candidacy in the Forum (23-25), a requirement which, obviously, Pompey could not meet, because he was still busy in the East. Again, as in the speech before the Senate, Cicero dwells at length on the excessive administrative and judicial powers of the commissioners (26-72; 98-99), their opportunities for enriching themselves at the expense of the state (62-04), for injuring the friends of the Roman people, and for establishing their party in colonies in every part of Italy, even, if they wished, on the very Janiculum! (75). And, in connection with the proposed colonies in Campania, he reverts (76-97) meaningly to the history of Campania with its traditional superbia and to troublesome Capua, which he puts in the same class with those two old-time rivals of Rome, Corinth and Carthage (87). The people seem to have been much impressed by Cicero's arguments and Rullus withdrew the bill without even allowing it to come to a vote. Mommsen, with characteristic unfairness to Cicero, says13 that even before Cicero spoke the measure was coolly received by the people and that in attacking it the consul was merely exhibiting "his talent for giving a finishing stroke to the beaten party".

In retaliation for this defeat the democrats next planned an amazing move to demonstrate the powers of the people as opposed to those of the Senate11. At the instigation of Julius Caesar15, his friend, T. Labienus, suddenly charged a certain C. Rabirius with having murdered the tribune, L. Appuleius Saturninus17, nearly forty years before. It seems that Saturninus, who was a turbulent agitator, had been killed in a riot at Rome, but only after the Senate had recognized him as an enemy of the State1s and by a senatus consultum

13 Mommsen, History of Rome, 4.212. On the other hand, most authorities count the withdrawal a great oratorical triumph for Cicero, since the bill had been put forward as a democratic measure and would, on its face, appeal powerfully to the populace. Doubtless, the orator's success was made easier by his skilful representation of the bill as an attack on Pompey.

14Cassius Dio 37.26; Cicero, Pro C. Rabirio 1-3, 11. Suetonius, Caesar 12.

18Labienus seems to have been chosen for this part because his uncle had been killed along with Saturninus (Cicero, Pro C. Rabirio 14). 18Cassius Dio 37.26.

17Cicero, Pro C. Rabirio 18, etc.

ultimum had empowered the consuls to proceed against him1. Rabirius did take part20 in the attack on Saturninus and his followers, though he was probably not the one who dealt the fatal blow21. Indeed, the orator regrets that Rabirius cannot claim the honor of having killed this enemy of his country: Utinam fecisset! non supplicium deprecarer, sed praemium postularem2.

Now, the democrats, apparently denying24 the validity of the senatus consultum ultimum, claimed that the person of a magistrate of the people was sacrosanct, that the murder of the tribune was, therefore, treason, an offense against the majesty of the state. They revived for the trial an old law25 dating back to the time of the kings, by which such a treasonable offense was passed upon by two men, duumviri, from whose decision the accused might appeal to the people. The prosecution would have carried its point and would have secured the condemnation of Rabirius, had not the defense availed itself of an equally obsolete custom and broken up the popular assembly before a vote was taken, by striking the red flag on the Janiculum27.

The speech28 in which Cicero defends Rabirius was originally brief (6, 9) and has come down to us in a somewhat fragmentary condition; but, even so, the orator makes plain his position, that, while he is defending the authority of the Senate, he is none the less genuinely popularis (10-17), in contrast with Labienus, who is trying to revive in a free state the harsh criminal procedure of regal times, even Tarquini superbissimi atque crudelissimi regis cruciatus carmina (13).

The prosecution of Rabirius is generally regarded as an attempt on the part of the democrats to establish three points fraught with tremendous consequences to the popular cause: (1) the inviolable character of the popular magistrates, even when they have declared war on the state29; (2) the old criminal jurisdiction of the comitia29; (3) the unconstitutional character of the senatus consultum ultimum30, by which the Senate gave to the consuls absolute power over the lives of seditious citizens. Some doubt has recently been cast on this traditional view by Mr. E. G. Hardy, who finds in

19Cicero, Pro C. Rabirio 20-24, 27. 21Ibid. 18.

23Ibid. 31.

20Ibid. 19-24.

22Ibid. 18-19.

24This is true if we accept the versions of Cicero (Pro C. Rabirio) and of Cassius Dio 37.26. But see note 31. 25Compare Livy 1.26.

28 In this case the duumviri were C. Caesar and L. Caesar, chosen not by the people but by the praetor (Cassius Dio 37.27-28). 27 Cassius Dio 37.27-28. 28 Pro C. Rabirio.

29 Long, Ciceronis Orationes 2.474-476; Mommsen, 4.197-198. 30This third point is of special interest, for, as Professor Tyrrell points out (Tyrrell-Purser, Correspondence of Cicero, 13.179), on this question turns "the legality or illegality of the execution of Lentulus and his accomplices-the act which led to the exile of Cicero". On the subject see also Professor Botsford, THE CLASSICAL WEEKLY 6.130-132.

31 Mr. Hardy contends (Political and Legal Aspects of the Trial of Rabirius, Journal of Philology 34.12-49) that the popular leaders of Cicero's time had come to accept the validity of this senatorial prerogative; that they were not, in the case of Rabirius, attacking the validity of the extreme decree per se but were merely trying to show to what abuses it might lead, for, when Saturninus met his death, he had already surrendered to Marius (Appian, Bell. Civ. 1.32; Florus 3.16. To these Mr. Hardy might have added Plutarch, Marius 30) and was, therefore, entitled to be treated not as an active enemy of the state but as a disarmed prisoner and to be

certain later writers, notably Appian, evidence that the democratic position was much less extreme than Cicero leads us to suppose; but of the general intent of the prosecution (namely, to demonstrate the powers of the people as opposed to those of the Senate) there is no reasonable doubt.

The climax of the great revolutionary protest in the year 63 B. C. was, of course, the conspiracy of Catiline, an ill-advised and badly executed protest, which did infinite harm to the cause which it professed to have at heart. We need not dwell here on matters so familiar as the significance of this conspiracy and Cicero's reaction to it, recorded in his four orations against Catiline, but may proceed at once to the only remaining consular speech still extant32, the oration in defense of Murena.

Right in the midst of this most troubled consulship it became necessary, of course, to choose the consuls for the following year. There were four candidates, D. Iunius Silanus, L. Licinius Murena, S. Sulpicius Rufus, L. Sergius Catilina. Catiline was known to have been hostile to the established order for years and the situation was by this time so acute that, when the election was finally held, Cicero, who was presiding33 by virtue of his office, appeared in the Campus Martius, wearing armor beneath his toga and guarded by a strong company of friends34. Silanus and Murena were elected, but the result was displeasing alike to the anarchistic following of Catiline and to the higher-toned following of Sulpicius. Immediately Sulpicius charged Murena with having used bribery to secure his election and the charge was supported by three subscriptores, among them the upright Cato35.

The case was tried in the latter part of November, when Catiline had already left Rome for Etruria3 but, apparently, before the intrigue of Lentulus and the Allobroges. It came, then, in the midst of the speeches against Catiline, when Cicero must have been well-nigh distracted with fear and anxiety. It is, therefore, as Mr. Forsyth says37,

dealt with according to the due forms of law. This is not at all the impression which Cicero gives us in his speech Pro C. Rabirio, a fact which Mr. Hardy frankly notes (page 17) and attributes to the dishonesty of the orator; neither is it the view of Cassius Dio (37.26), a condition which Mr. Hardy believes to have resulted from the fact that Cicero's speech was preserved but the speeches for the prosecution were lost. Our decision must depend on the comparative value due the two sets of authorities (Cicero and Cassius Dio on the one hand-Florus, Appian and Plutarch on the other). Also, Mr. Hardy dismisses very lightly Cicero's own remark (Pro C. Rabirio 28) about the pledge given to Saturninus.

32In a passage of doubtful authenticity (Ad Att. 2.1.3) Cicero gives a list of his orationes consulares: Quarum una est in senatu Kal. Ianuariis, altera ad populum de lege agraria, tertia de Othone, quarta pro Rabirio, quinta de proscriptorum filiis, sexta cum provinciam in contione deposui, septima cum Catilinam emisi, octava quam habui ad populum postridie quam Catilina profugit, nona in contione quo die Allobroges involgarunt, decima in senatu Nonis Decembribus. Sunt praeterea duae breves, quasi αποσπασμάτια legis agrariae. Hoc totum aŵua curabo ut habeas. Professor Tyrrell brackets the passage, partly for other reasons, partly because of the omission from the list of the speeches Pro C. Pisone and Pro L. Murena; Professor Purser and Mr. Pretor defend it.

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a striking proof of the elastic energy of Cicero's mind that, at the very moment of the explosion of the conspiracy and in the midst of the most awful danger, he was able to deliver in defence of one of his friends a speech distinguished by its light wit and good-humored raillery.

Early in the year a law3 had been passed increasing the penalties for bribery at elections. Because this law bore the name of the consul, Cicero is charged with inconsistency in defending39 a man who is guilty of bribery. Though the orator stoutly asserts the innocence of his client (5, 54, 67–73), not one proof of it does he submit in that portion of the speech which has come down to us40. A further charge of inconsistency arose from the fact that before the election Cicero had supported his friend, Sulpicius (7). To this the orator answers (7 ff.) that Murena, too, is a friend of long standing; that, at the election, the people had rejected Sulpicius and had chosen Murena and that it is the duty of the consul to defend the consul-elect from danger. This he proceeds to do (11 ff.), first by denying the truth of the charges against the dignity and purity of Murena's private life. The novus homo is plainly piqued at Sulpicius's reflections on the dignitas of Murena (15-17), whose father was equestri loco; he pictures Murena as self-restrained amid the temptations of voluptuous Asia (11-12), bearing himself with credit and even with glory in the Mithridatic wars (20). This leads to one of the most amusing passages in Cicero's orations, in which he contrasts the life and the services of the soldier with those of the jurist (22-28). 'Perhaps Sulpicius hasn't exactly wasted his time in the exacting duties of the law, but, at any rate, this profession will never help him to rise to the consulship (22-23). It lacks utilitas (24-25) and there can be no dignitas in tam tenui scientia, which is taken up mainly with singulis litteris atque interpunctionibus verborum (25)', which reads, for all the world, like a present-day indictment of classical studies. 'Oratory and military skill', he says, 'are the two arts by which men rise in public life, and military skill is what counts in a crisis of state. This skill Murena has: it is the greatest possible asset for a consul-elect in such perilous times' (34).

M

Four things had contributed to Murena's election to the consulship. First, he had received the soldier-vote, for Lucullus's army was home from the East for his triumph (37-38). Then, there was the elegantia of the ludi with which Murena had adorned his praetorship (37-38). Of course, said Cicero (74), 'Cato disapproved of munera and prandia as means of gaining popular favor, but Cato, with all his splendid qualities, had quite unpractical standards of morality'. With a lightness of touch too often lacking in his speeches, Cicero illustrates the weak points in Stoicism as a guide

38 The Lex Tullia (Cicero, Pro L. Murena, 5,46, 47, 67). 39 Pro L. Murena Oratio.

40It should be said that a part of the speech (see § 57) is omitted and its content indicated only by the headings De Postumi Criminibus, De Servi Adulescentis. Pliny the younger says (Epp. 1.20.7) that Cicero himself omitted this portion when he published the speech. If this be true, it would seem to show that the orator did not regard it as an important part of his defense.

of life (61 ff.). These, he said, had always been recognized even by disciples of the school (65-66), but Cato, who never did anything by halves, insisted on practising all the doctrines with equal conscientiousness (62). Even virtues have their golden mean and the extreme tenets of the Porch should be modified by the more human doctrines of Plato and Aristotle (63). If only Cato had done this, he would be-not a braver or better or juster or more self-controlled man (for that was impossible)—but just a shade gentler and more considerate. In the third place, to Sulpicius as praetor had fallen the stern and thankless task of conducting enquiries de peculatu (42), while Murena had received the lot of the city praetorship (41), in which he delighted the populace by his splendid celebration of the ludi Apollinares. Furthermore, as propraetor, Murena had obtained the governorship of Gallia Transalpina (42, 89) and had utilized its opportunities for liberality to his friends, while Sulpicius had refused a province and had remained at home, pursuing his profession, which had brought him some friends, to be sure, but not a few enemies. But, most of all, Sulpicius had weakened his candidacy by neglecting it and by devoting himself to preparations for prosecuting Murena for illegal practices in the canvass for the consulship (43). This conduct people had interpreted as an admission that Sulpicius expected defeat (43-44) and, so, all good men decided to unite for Murena, that they might more surely save the state from Catiline, whose insolence had now become intolerable (48-53).

Cato sincerely believes that the interests of the state summon him to prosecute Murena, but those are the very interests which summon Cicero to his defence (78). The contagion of Catiline's crime is more widely spread than anyone dreams; intus, intus, inquam, est equus Troianus (78, 84). Cicero is trying to resist the conspirators, but his term of office is drawing to a close; it is the solemn duty of the jurors to acquit Murena, that there may be two consuls ready to take up the responsibilities which Cicero will lay down on the first of January (79–81; 84).

As we review the extant consular speeches of Cicero, the most obvious fact about them is his uniform resistance to so-called 'popular' measures11, and our judgment of his course will be either that he was, as Cassius Dio said12, 'a political trimmer', and had now selfishly abandoned the popular cause, or, that he sincerely believed that the interests of the people lay away from class-agitation, in the direction of his cherished concordia ordinum.

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I have only just found time (December) to read the nine columns (9.130-134) which Mr. Alfred R. Wightman devotes to a second criticism of my explanation of De Bello Gallico 4.28.2-3. "Unless Caesar is wrong", he concludes, "Mr. Holmes cannot be right”. My reply shall be brief. Before I come to the vital question let me examine the reasons which Mr. Wightman gives for placing me in antagonism with Caesar. On page 134, first column, near the bottom, he says: Granted that it was possible for one division of the eighteen transports, after their crews had unwisely cast anchor in a seaway, to make sail once more and to work off shore why was not some similar manoeu

ver possible in the case of the eighty that had arrived earlier and were already at anchor when the storm arose? Their condition was similar. If anything, they were in somewhat better case, for there is no word about their becoming water-logged. As a matter of fact, nothing of the sort was attempted. And the reason we have on Caesar's authority. He tells us, not in so many words, I hasten to explain, yet quite clearly by implication, that the thing was out of the question: neque ulla nostris facultas aut administrandi aut auxiliandi dabatur.

I beg Mr. Wightman's pardon: their condition was not similar. They were anchored close inshore off the eastern coast of Kent, and the wind was blowing on to the shore: the "division of the eighteen transports" in the case which I supposed was anchored not off the eastern, but off the southern coast of Kent, where the north-easterly gale could not drive them ashore.

Mr. Wightman explains to me at great length (pages 131-132) what a "lee shore" means. He might have spared himself this trouble. I assure him that I did not "fail to grasp the full significance of the nautical term", and that I did not assume that it meant "necessarily a shore lying squarely athwart the wind's direction".. He devotes half a column (132) to proving what is self-evident, that the shore on which some of Caesar's eighty transports were wrecked was a lee shore. But the question is whether that part of the British coast off which one division of the eighteen transports lay when, as I hold, they anchored and when, as Caesar says, they 'were forced to stand out to sea in the face of night and make for the continent', was a lee shore. In order to answer this question one must know whether they were then east or west of the South Foreland, in other words, whether they were off the eastern or the southern coast of Britain. If I misunderstand Mr. Wightman's view of their position, the fault is his

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