F. W. PICKENS.

"All society settles down into a classification of capitalists and laborers. The former will own the latter, either collectively through the government, or individually in a state of domestic servitude as exists in the Southern States of this confederacy. If laborers ever obtain the political power of a country, it is in fact in a state of revolution. The capitalists north of Mason and Dixon's line, have precisely the same interests in the labor of the country that the capitalists of England have in their labor. Hence it is, that they must have a strong federal government (!) to control the labor of the nation. But it is precisely the reverse with us. We have already not only a right to the proceeds of our laborers, but we own a class of laborers themselves. But let me say to gentlemen who represent the great class of capitalists in the north, beware that you do not drive us into a separate system, for if you do, as certain as the decrees of heaven, you will be compelled to appeal to the sword to maintain yourselves at home. It may not come in your day; but your children's children will be covered with the blood of domestic factions, and a plundering mob contending for power and conquest." -Pickens of South Carolina in Congress, 21st Jan., 1837.

CHANCELLOR HARPER.

"Would you do a bencfit to the horse or the ox by giving him a cultivated understanding, a fine feeling? So far as the mere laborer has the pride, the knowledge or the aspiration of a freeman, he is unfitted for his situation. If there are sordid, servile labori ous offices to be performed, is it not better that there should be sordid, servile laborious beings to perform them?

"Odium has been cast upon our legislation on account of its forbidding the elements of education being communicated to slaves. But in truth what injury is done them by this? He who works du

ring the day with his hands, does not read in the intervals of leisure for his amusement, or the improvement of his mind, or the exception is so very rare as scarcely to need the being provided for " -Southern Lit. Messenger.

"Is there any thing in the principles and opinions of the other party, the great democratic rabble as it has been justly called, which should induce us to identify ourselves with that? Here you may find every possible grade and hue of opinion which has ever existed in the country. Here you may find loafer and loco foco and agrarian, and all the rabble of the city of New-York, the most corrupt and depraved of rabbles, and which controls, in a great degree the city itself, and through that as being the commercial metropolis, exercises much influence over the state at large.

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What are the essential principles of democracy as distinguished from republicanism? The first consists in the dogma so portentcous to us of the natural equality and unalienable right to liberty of every human being. Our allies (!) no doubt, are willing at present to modify the doctrine in our favor. But the spirit of democracy at

large makes no such exceptions, nor will these (our allies, the northern democrats) continue to make it longer than necessity or interest may require. The second consists in the doctrine of the divine right of majorities; a doctrine not less false, and slavish, and absurd than the ancient one of the divine right of kings."-Speech July 4, 1840.

ROBERT WICKLIFFE.

"Gentlemen wanted to drive out the black population that they may obtain white negroes in their place. While negroes have this advantage over black negroes, they can be converted into voters; and the men who live upon the sweat of their brow, and pay them but a dependent and scanty subsistence, can, if able to keep ten thou. sand of them in employment, come up to the polls and change the destiny of the country.

"How improved will be our condition when we have such white negroes as perform the servile labors of Europe, of Old England, and he would add now of New England, when our body servants and our cart drivers, and our street sweepers, are white negroes instead of black. Where will be the independence, the proud spirit, and the chivalry of the Kentuckians then?"-Speech in Kentucky. [Had the gentleman looked across the river, he might have found an answer to his question, in the wealth, power, and happiness of Ohio.-A. S. Reporter.]

GEORGE MCDUFFIE.

It is my deliberate opinion, that the laws of every community should publish this species of interference by death without benefit of clergy.*... No humane institution, in my opinion, is more manifestly consistent with the will of God than domestic slavery. If we look into the elements of which all political communities are composed, it will be found that servitude in some form, is one of the essential constituents. . . In the very nature of things, there must be classes of persons to discharge all the different offices of society, from the highest to the lowest... Where these offices are performed by members of the political community, a dangerous element is ob. viously introduced by the body politic. Hence, the alarming ten. dency to violate the rights of property by agrarian legislation, which is beginning to be manifest in the older states, where universal suffrage prevails without domestic slavery; a tendency that will increase in the progress of society, with the increasing inequality of domestic slavery, supersedes the necessity of an order of nobility, and all the other appendages of a hereditary system of government. Domestic slavery, therefore, instead of being an evil, is the corner stone of our republican edifice. No patriot, who justly estimates our privileges, will tolerate the idea of emancipation at any period however remote, or on any condition of pecuniary advantage, however favourable. I would as soon think of opening a negotiation for selling the liberties of the state at once, as for making any stiou

lation for the ultimate emancipation of our slaves. . . If the legis lature should concur in these views of this important element of our political and social system, our confederates should be distinctly informed, in any communication we may have occasion to make to them, that in claiming to be exempt from all foreign interference, we can recognize no distinction between ultimate and immediate emancipation. . It behoves us therefore, to demand of all the nonslaveholding states. 1. A formal, and solemn disclaimer by its legislature, of the existence of any rightful power, either in such state, or the United States in congress assembled, to interfere in any manner with the institution of domestic slavery in South Carolina. 2. The immediate passage of penal laws by such legislatures, denouncing against the incendiaries of whom we complain, such punishments as will speedily and for ever suppress their machinations against our peace and safety. . . The liberal, enlightened, and magnanimous conduct of the people in many portions of the nonslaveholding states, forbids us to anticipate a refusal on the part of those states, to fulfil these high obligations of national faith and duty."-Extracts from his Message to S. Carolina, 1835.

JOHN C. CALHOUN.

"We regard slavery as the most safe and stable basis for free institutions in the world. It is impossible with us that the conflict can take place between labor and capital, which makes it so difficult to establish and maintain free institutions in all wealthy and highly civilized nations where such institutions do not exist. Every plantation is a little community with the master at its head, who concentrates in himself the united interests of capital and labor of which he is the common representative.”—Mr. Calhoun of South Carolina, in the United States Senate, Jan. 10th, 1840.

In United States Senate, Feb. 4, 1836. Mr. CALHOUN from the select committee, reported the following bill:

Be it enacted, &c., That it shall not be lawful for any deputy postmaster, in any state, territory, or district knowingly to receive and put into the mail any pamphlet, news-paper, handbill, or other paper, printed or written, or pictorial representation, touching the subject of slavery, addressed to any person or post-office in any state, territory, or district, where, by the laws of said state, territory, or district, their calculation is prohibited. Nor shall it be lawful for any deputy postmaster in said state, territory, or district, knowingly to deliver to any person any such pamphlet, newspaper, handbill, or other paper, printed or written, or pictorial representa. tion, to any person whatever, except to such persons as are duly authorized by the proper authority of such state, territory, or district, to receive the same.

HENRY CLAY.

With the abolitionists, the rights of property are nothing; the deficiency of the powers of the General Government is nothing; the acknowledged and incontestible powers of the States are nothing ; civil war and dissolution of the Union, and the overthrow of a government in which are concentrated the fondest hopes of the civilized world, are nothing. A single idea has taken possession of their minds, and onward they pursue it, overlooking all barriers, reckless and regardless of all consequences. With this class, the immediate abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and in the Territory of Florida, the prohibition of the removal of slaves from State to State, and the refusal to admit any new State, comprising within its limits the institution of domestic slavery, are but so many means conducing to the accomplishment of the ultimate but perilous end at which they avowedly and boldly aim; are but so many short stages in the long and bloody road to the distant goal at which they would finally arrive.

To the agency of their powers of persuasion, they now propose to substitute the powers of the ballot box; and he must be blind to what is passing before us, who does not perceive that the inevitable tendency of their proceedings is, if these should be found insufficient, to invoke, finally, the more potent powers of the bayonet.

If, therefore, these ultra-abolitionists are seriously determined to pursue their scheme of immediate abolition, they should at once set about raising twelve hundred millions of dollars, to indemnify the owners of slave property. And the taxes to raise that enorinous amount can only be justly assessed upon themselves or upon the free States, if they can persuade them to assent to such an assessment; for it would be a mockery of all justice and an outrage against all equity to levy any portion of the tax upon the slave States to pay for their own unquestionable property.-Speech in the U. S. Senate, Feb. 1839.

WADDY THOMPSON

Of South Carolina, moved to amend as follows: "Strike out all after instructions," and insert,

To report a joint resolution, directing the President to take the proper steps for the annexation of Texas to the United States, as soon as it can be done consistently with the treaty stipulations of this government.-Motion in the House of Representatives, June 14, 1838.

JAMES HAMILTON.

We have, therefore, a claim on the governments of the non-slaveholding States, not only moral and social, but of indispensable constitutional obligation, that THIS NUISANCE SHALL BE ADAPTED. They not only owe it to us, but they owe it to themselves, to that Union, at whose shrine they have so often offered up the highest pledges, by which man can plight his temporal faith.

Apart from all these obligations, resulting from the constitutional compact, which unites these States, and which make the imperative duty of one member of this confederacy not to allow its citizens to plot against the peace, property and happiness of another member, there is no principle of international law better established, than that even among foreign nations, such atrocious abuses are not to be tolerated, except at the peril of that high and ultimate penalty, by which a brave and free people vindicate their rights.-Report of S. Carolina Legislature.

MORDECAI MANASSEH NOAH.

It is understood that an abolition convention is to be held in this city during the present month, and it has been avowed in the official Gazette, attached to the interests of the delegates about to assembie, hat the question of repealing the Union between the North and the South, will be openly discussed on that occasion. This has been in part contradicted, but coupled with a declaration that no violence shall prevent the discharge of their duty. It is possible that the objects and intentions of this convention may have been misrep resented, for it is difficult to believe that even fanaticism, carried to its fullest extent, could have the boldness to broach doctrines of the most treasonable import, in the midst of a population devotedly attached to the Union of the States. The people have an undoubted right to assemble and discuss any question connected with the maintenance of their own rights, and the free preservation of our free institutions; but it is unreasor.able to suppose that, in any attempt to carry out the objects of this meeting, however ostensibly humane they may be, that such convention will be permitted to suggest, much less discuss, a project embracing a dissolution of our happy form of government. Should the experiment however be made, which would evidently tend to a disastrous breach of the public peace, it will be your duty to present the agitators, and indict every person whose active agency may lead to such results, and this Court by the rigid enforcement of the laws, will convince any body of men, making this city the theatre of their deliberations, that their objects and intentions must be strictly legal, rationable and justifiable.-Charge to the N. Y. Grand Jury, May, 1842.