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sent to the secretary of state. One letter addressed to the earl of Hillsborough was entirely his. His draught was accepted by the house of representatives, and, without any alteration, sent to that nobleman, who was supposed to be most inimical to the colonies of all the king's servants; and whose name was never mentioned in Massachusetts without reproach.

In the year 1769, the governor removed the general court to Cambridge. The members considered it as an infringement of their rights. Mr. Adams was on the committee to draw up their remonstrances, which were warm and urgent. For several years the governor thus obeyed his instructions, to keep the assembly out of Boston. There were some altercations among the representatives, whether they would proceed or not to business; and when it was determined to go on, there was a spirited protest, in which our politician took a very conspicuous part. During these sessions at Cambridge, a difference of opinion arose, upon some secondary matters, between Adams and Hancock, which cooled their friendship, and was succeeded by an antipathy, that had an effect upon the minds of the people, many of whom took a warm interest in this personal animosity, though they agreed in political sentiments; and acted together in the great affairs which arrested the attention of all the whigs. The first impressions were unfavourable to Mr. Adams; for many of the high whigs thought him austere and rigid in his notions, that he was opinionated, and that his object was as much to mortify Hutchinson, and gratify his resentment against the tories, as to serve the cause of freedom. Hancock was the idol of the populace; his spirit was generous, he enjoyed an affluence of wealth, which he was ready to bestow on all publick occasions: he was affable, condescending, and very engaging in his manners. Mr. Adams preferred to be thought a Cato rather than a Lucullus. His friends were

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lessened in number, but they were the sternest republicans; and those, perhaps, who first dared to view our independence as near. They called themselves the most consistent whigs. Others called them the restless spirits of their party, who wished not to have grievances redressed, but to sail upon troubled waves, as their own political importance depended upon the tumult of the people. They mixed in public assemblies; used a coarser style of speaking in the streets; and calculated upon the future scenes which would open for the emancipation of the country.-The period soon arrived : The battle of Lexington gave the moderate party a zeal which blazed, and every man became a patri

Adams and Hancock were proscribed soon after by Gage's proclamation. This was all they wanted to raise their reputation to the highest pitch. Before they could have known this, they had reason to be satisfied with the triumph of the whigs, and must have been fully persuaded they were safe in any part of the country. These gentlemen were at Lexington the very night the British troops left Boston, and it was generally supposed that part of the errand was to take them. They received such intelligence as to be on their guard. A friend of Mr. Adams spread a report that he spake with pleasure on the occurrences of the 19th of April. "It is a fine day," said he, walking in the field after the day dawned. "Very pleasant answered one of his companions," supposing him to be contemplating the beauties of the sky. "I mean," he replied, "this day is a glorious day for America." fearless was he of consequences, so intrepid in the midst of dangers, so eager to look forward to the lustre of events that would succeed the gloom which then involved the minds of the people. Mr. Adams had been a member of the continental congress the preceding year. Mr. Hancock from ill health was not a candidate for the same congress, but was president of the provincial assembly which bore the

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name of provincial congress in Massachusetts. They were both members of the congress which sat at Philadelphia, A. D. 1775, 76, &c.

Among the southern whigs the character of Mr. Adams was very high. He was looked upon as an able politician, though less liberal in his views, less informed in great questions of national concern, than several characters from these northern states: but his republican sentiments were congenial to the sentiments of many gentlemen of Pennsylvania and Virginia, who quoted his opinion with respect. There were, however, some southern members of congress who called him an indifferent statesman, a local politician, one whose thoughts were always in Fanieul Hall, and bent upon establishing the customs of the Plymouth settlers; or introducing the laws of Massachusetts, instead of that enlightened policy which was necessary to animate a great nation; a nation who had to form their government, to adapt novel opinions to the prudence of old laws, to execute some of the noblest schemes ever designed by man, and which no other state of human affairs had ever given them an opportunity to know and improve.

Mr. Adams was chosen secretary of the state of Massachusetts in the year 1774, while the general court were at Cambridge. The business was performed by a deputy until the year that his seat was vacated in Congress. He was never afterwards a candidate for any office out of Massachusetts government. While he sat in Congress the declaration of Independence was made, which he urged with the utmost zeal. Also the articles of the old confederation to which he was always much attached. It was a favorite expression, which he often gave as a toast in public companies and private circles "The states united, and the states separate." There was also another matter of importance which took place in the autumn of 1777, when the British troops marched to Philadelphia, it was given out

that gen. Washington might have prevented them. That, although an excellent and very amiable character, he was too much a Fabius in the field. He had, however, fought the battle of Brandywine with an army inferiour to the enemy; and made an attack upon Germantown which only wanted success to make it add much to his military reputation; it being well planned, and the general discovering great activity and courage in collecting troops who had been so entirely dispersed a few days before.

An alteration was contemplated in the military arrangements, and the public papers declared that a majority of Congress had determined to advance gen. Gates to a command which would imply a censure upon the commander in chief. Although this did not originate with Mr. Adams, he was known to be unfriendly to Washington, and after this he was not a favourite with certain military gentlemen who had been his most active partizans. Some of these officers had a conference with him in Boston, and he declared that he never meant that Gates, or any other officer who was not born in America, should supercede Washington or be commander in chief. Perhaps he only meant that there should be separate commands, and the generals to be independent of each other, and of the same rank, and to look to the Congress for the chief direction.

Whether he was attached to the General, or thought him the most proper person for the high office of President of the United States, is a subject of opinion, on which his fellow citizens differed. It is certain that president Washington did not speak of him with the highest respect.

It has been said in a European publication, that Mr. Samuel Adams made the motion for Independence, and that he sacrificed a large fortune in the cause of his country. This is not true. But it is true that he contributed to the Independence of America, as much as any man, by his enterprising

spirit at an early period of the contest, by his patriotic zeal, by his influence on the minds of the people; yet no individual ought to be styled the Father of our Independence. For a nation to be born it required all the mighty efforts of those bold, wise and noble-minded statesmen, who adorned this era in the annals of their country by their presence in the first Congress.

From being secretary of the commonwealth of Massachusetts, Mr. Adams was chosen a member of the senate of the state after the government was formed in the year 1780, and was placed at the head of that respectable branch of the legislature. He had been one the members of the convention which formed the government, was a principal leader in the debates, and eminently useful, from his knowledge and experience, in the committee which made the first draught; as well as in the great body which shaped it in its present form; and styled it the Constitution of Government for the state of Massachusetts. The address of the convention to the people was composed by him, and another gentleman who has since filled several offices of honour and trust in the commonwealth.

Whilst Mr. Adams was president of the senate, he was punctual in his attendance upon every part of duty, and adhered strictly to all the regulations and forms of proceeding; till finding the infirmities of age coming upon him, he was persuaded to resign the chair, a place which required dispatch as well as constant assiduities in business. He was succeeded by Mr. Phillips, who afterwards succeeded him as lieut. governor of the state.

During the time of his influence in the senate, there was an insurrection, which threatened the overthrow of the government. Whoever recollects the popular phrensy will give due credit to the wise, spirited and energetic measures which were then urged, and carried into effect. The most direful consequences were prevented, the tumult was soon