I wish there

thing sacred, nothing secure amongst us. fore, sir, the gentlemen who brought in this bill would, for their honour's sake, withdraw it. As to myself, the same conscience which dictates my present opposition, shall carry me on to oppose the bill in every step, through every stage. But if it succeeds here, it cannot succeed elsewhere. I do therefore again deprecate the honour and justice of this house, that we may not suffer the scandal of passing this bill to lie at our doors, and give the honour of rejecting it to the other house of parlia

ment.

SIR W. MEREDITH.

This speech discovers true zeal and carnestness. It seems to belong to an earlier period of our history.

On the Lord Mayor and Alderman Oliver being com mitted to the Tower.

I FIND myself under a great difficulty, either to agree to this amendment, or to differ from it: for, by agreeing to a censure, I may seem to adopt an opinion of the worthy alderman's guilt, which I have no right to entertain. Did I ever think him guilty, I durst not condemn him unheard. As a judge, I am bound to think the man whom I try innocent, till he has been fairly heard, and till his guilt results out of conviction. It is speaking too well of this proceeding to say, that this magistrate was not allowed counsel. He was allowed counsel, so far as to let us see the faces of counsel at the bar; but clogged with a condition that gagged their mouths from speaking what was necessary for their

client's defence. It is an aggravation of injustice, to commit it under a false colour and insidious affectation of justice. The honourable gentleman must therefore pardon me, if I cannot vote for his amendment as a measure of kindness to Mr. Oliver; for if you, Mr. Speaker, are ordered to reprimand that gentleman, we all know your ability to do it to some purpose nor can human nature be exposed to a more humiliating state, or to sharper feelings, than by submitting to such a reprimand as you will give. But in going to the Tower, there is nothing to afflict him; on the contrary he will carry in his own bosom the blessings of a good conscience, and be followed by the general applause of his fellow citizens, whilst his judges and prosecutors will be pursued by the curses of the people, scorned by those who hate, and pitied by those who think moderately of them. But if there was no reason for this amendment, I should think, sir, the feelings of gentlemen would incline them to adopt it, merely to get rid of a matter, of which we are all so sick and weary. I consent to it for the sake of peace, even at the expence of justice. With this view to peace, I have opposed every part of this wretched business, in every stage. They who now differ, may live to applaud me for it. I see that many gentlemen of the highest rank and character, some of whom, by their doubts gave a sanction, and others who added vigour and impulse to this prosecution, are now withdrawn. Several gentlemen who uniformly opposed this motion have turned their backs upon the house, with many bitter expressions of the indignation which they felt. With what temper and opinion I may ever return to this unpleasant seat, I know not; but I will not leave it, as long as there is a twig to catch at, by which I can hope to keep the peace of this unfortunate country. Mr. Speaker, it is natural for men to complain of what they hear from the report of others; but it is what they see and feel that provokes them to action. Here then lies the difference betwixt commitment and reprimand. The

people without doors will only hear the one-they will see the other; and every hour of his imprisonment will add fresh discontent to their minds, and raise some new spirit of commotion. We have now sat many hours past midnight; the day light is advancing upon us : let not the sun rise upon our shame! But let us close this miserable scene under the cover of the darkness which suits with it, and under the shelter of our own walls.

Strongly as I think the public ought to know what passes here, I wish to God I could bind you, myself, the whole house, with every clerk, sergeant, messenger, and attendant, to secrecy on this occasion. But that would be impossible. Still, sir, may a great deal of mischief be avoided, if we keep ourselves to ourselves; if we do not send our judgment to be executed abroad, to create riot, tumult, and sedition. Most sincerely, therefore, do I call upon the noble lord who sits on the treasury bench; he has neither my ill thoughts, nor my ill wishes; and, if his lordship is truly spoken of, he can never approve of this business. Let him then permit me to conjure him for his own honour, for the ease and dignity of his sovereign, and above all, for his country's peace, to lay hold on the opportunity given by the worthy general, to close this scene of mischief here.

The main object of those who are charged with the cares of government, is peace. Great kings, and wise ministers, have thought it not beneath them to give up points of the greatest moment for the sake of peace. Ministers must govern accidents, not be governed by them. But when ministers themselves endanger public peace for trifles, and raise discord out of atoms, then is government itself in a state of anarchy.

The storm that now hangs over us was raised by government; and whatever consequences may follow, they who began, and who have countenanced this proceeding, are answerable to their king, their country, and their God.

MR. SAWBRIDGE.

Junius praises this city orator and patriot for his republican firmness. If he is to be taken as a model of the republican character, he does not, in my opinion, reflect much credit on it. In the following speech there is much impudent effrontery. This character, I know not how, unfortunately sprung up in the beginning of the present reign.

His Speech on moving for Leave to bring in a Bill to shorten the Duration of Parliaments.

Mr. Speaker,

THE motion I am now going to make is precisely the same as that which I made in this house last year. My own want of health, and some other reasons, delayed it so late in the season last year, that I was constrained to make it in a very thin house. To prevent a similar situation this year, I took the liberty to desire a call of the house, notwithstanding which call, I am concerned to see a question of such national importance so poorly attended by the members. I can pretty well understand the meaning of this inattention; the ministerial gentlemen, who are liberally paid for opposing every measure that would be beneficial to the people, think it sufficient (because it will earn their wages) if they come here soon enough to give their votes against it. I will not, sir, take up your time by apologies for my own inadequate abilities; let those that have greater, apologize that such a task is left to me; however, I will lessen that objection, by stating what I have to say as concisely as possible. VOL. II.

12

That legal, equal, and free system of government, which is either our constitution or its foundation, was first introduced into this kingdom by the Saxons. It was a leading principle with them, that whenever an officer who was intrusted with power, could, by the abuse of that power, prejudice the people, that officer was elec tive; and those elections were at least annual, if not more frequent.

When the heptarchy was reduced to a monarchy under Alfred, all the Saxon laws and customs were recognized, and an act was made, that a parliament should be held twice a-year at least. In the time of Edgar the same statute was re-enacted; and this system was religiously adhered to till the Norman conquest. At that period a violent shock was given to our excellent constitution. That legal, equal, and free form of government, which had been enjoyed in this nation for five hundred years, gave place to a monarchical tyranny. The common law of England was in part abolished, and the civil law, which had prevailed in Normandy, introduced in a great measure in its stead. From this time all was a scene of confusion; perpetual civil wars between king and people; the kings endeavouring to establish an absolute power, and the people to restore their laws and liberty. In these contests the people almost always prevailed; in consequence of which, the kings as often engaged solemnly to restore the ancient constitution: these solemn engagements they never, but as far as they were compelled, observed. At length, the people, wearied out by royal treachery, and not choosing any longer to trust these kingly promises, compelled king John, whom they had in their power, to sign the great charter. In that charter it is stipulated that parliament shall be restored. And accordingly, (king John dying immediately after this stipulation) a parliament was called under his successor; but no truly constitutional parliament was held till the reign of Edward the Third. In his reign an act was passed, that a parliament should be held once